KMT: Holding the Line Will Merely Ensure One's Defeat

KMT: Holding the Line Will Merely Ensure One's Defeat
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
October 16, 2012

Summary: Democratic Progressive Party members are experienced political fighters. Mainland policy is their Achilles Heel. They must overcome that Achilles Heel. If they cannot, the giant boulder blocking their return to power will remain in place, forever. Frank Hsieh has made his move in this chess game. The DPP is set to transform itself. The KMT is already on the side of expanded exchanges with the Chinese mainland. What reason does it have to assume such a timid posture? Holding the line will merely ensure one's defeat.

Full Text below:

Former Premier and former DPP Chairman Frank Hsieh concluded his "trail-blazing journey" to the Chinese mainland. He characterized his visit as a personal visit. But it will have political and economic repercussions. What repercussions will it have within the DPP? Many people are asking this question. What impact will Frank Hsieh's trip have on the KMT, which has spared no effort to expand cross-Strait relations? That too is worth watching.

Nineteeen years ago, Frank Hsieh led a delegation to Xiamen. Accompanying him were Taiwan independence hardliners Trong Chai, Yao Chia-wen, and others. When Taipei and Beijing allowed people on each side to visit relatives on the other side, opposition DPP members visiting the Chinese mainland far outnumbered ruling KMT members. Cross-Strait exchanges had yet to be politicized. It had yet to be linked to Chinese reunification vs. Taiwan independence ideology. That changed with President Lee Teng-hui's trip to Cornell. His "one country on each side thesis" froze cross-Strait relations. Taiwan independence consciousness underwent a quantum leap. Politicians exploited the issue to win votes. The epithet "mai tai ji tuan" (group that is selling out Taiwan) became a new way to accuse someone of being a "Communist sympathizer." The Democratic Progressive Party ruled for eight years. President Chen Shui-bian won the approval of moderate and swing voters. But during his eight years in power, whenever an election rolled around, reunification vs. independence and "ethnic group" (social group) rhetoric filled the air. Countless heavyweight Blue Camp political leaders were smeared as "Communists" by means of DPP propaganda. Frank Hsieh wept upon seeing his ancestors' burial sites. He met with Dai Bingguo, Beijing's Secretary-General for the Steering Group for Taiwan. Afterwards he could not resist patting himself on the back for not permitting himself to be "used." On the one hand, the Blue camp said it was only too happy to see him succeed. But in fact Blue camp leaders found it difficult to remain at ease.

Politics after all, is not deception. Wherever one goes, one leaves a trail. Frank Hsieh is pragmatic and flexible. He understands political reality and political power. He is all too clear on the pros and cons of straying from the beaten path. No one will ever forget his broadcasts on Green camp pirate radio stations. He blasted the Ma administration's cross-strait economic and trade policies. He said they would leave "workers on Taiwan unable to find work, and women on Taiwan unable to find husbands." The Hsieh faction in the legislature did everything in its power to prevent the government from recognizing Mainland student academic credentials. Many KMT party and government officials watched from the sidelines as Frank Hsieh arrived on the Mainland. They wiated to see how the Democratic Progressive Party would rationalize its past rhetoric about "Communist sympathizers."

The growth of democracy on Taiwan means an end to wild charges about "Communist sympathizers." That is a positive development. Only then can we liberate cross-Strait relations from the shackles of ideology. Only then can we courageously advance for the benefit of the people. The Ma administration has been in office for over four years. It has devoted most of its energy to Mainland policy. It has broken through the ice accumulated during 12 years under Lee Teng-hui. But it has always left people with the impression that it is timid, that it is only taking half a step when it should be taking a full step forward. For example, Mainland academic credentials were recognized only after two fist fights and three years of delay in the legislature. Conditional NHI coverage for Mainland students is still under discussion. Don't even bring up Mainland investments on Taiwan, and the huge impact they might have. The administration has opened up in form but not in substance.

The two sides have engaged in cross-Strait exchanges for over two decades. Beijing once had high hopes for Lee Teng-hui. It had high hopes for the Democratic Progressive Party. But in the end it was KMT Honorary Chairman Lien Chan and People First Party Chairman James Soong who first visited the Mainland to rebuild trust. Frank Hsieh's visit was nominally private. But Beijing gave him the red carpet treatment. It is testing the waters with the DPP. Beijing now understands how democracy on Taiwan operates. The ruling party may change, therefore they cannot limit their dealings to the KMT. Naturally they do not want cross-Strait relations to regress as a result of changes in the ruling party. But they must consider the possibilty of the KMT once again losing power. They must learn to cope. This is good news for cross-Strait interaction. This is a warning to the KMT, which is currently in power and has a strong desire to remain in power.

The CCP 18th National Congress will soon convene. Yet the CCP played host to Frank Hsieh. This shows how confident Beijing is about its Taiwan policy. By contrast, the first thing the Ma administration did was to change its cabinet heads charged wtih Mainland relations and with national security. The general evaluation of the new cabinet has been poor. It exhibits scant evidence of strong goal orientation. The economic picture at home and abroad is grim. Merely holding the line may not be a smart move. It may be a very bad move. The public will not tolerate a lack of achievements during the Ma administration's second term. A stagnant situation will only turn public opinion against the government. It will lead to a change of heart. The DPP will with little effort on its part be back on the road to power.

Given the political spectrum on Taiwan, the differences between the KMT and the DPP are not that great. One party opposes Taiwan independence. The other opposes China's reunification. The bottom line is both want to maintain the political status quo. The DPP hammered away at KMT leaders, accusing them of being Communist sympathizers. KMT leaders appear to have internalized this unearned guilt. The DPP holds high the banner of Taiwan independence, reassuring itself that it is applying the brakes in cross-Strait relations. Therefore when the brakes start to act up, the KMT no longer knows how to position itself. It must define itself more clearly. It has been blindsided. Frank Hsieh took one small step for a man. That may or may not be one giant leap for the DPP. Party Chairman Su Tseng-chang currently wields power. He has yet to make his move. But the vast majority of Democratic Progressive Party members are experienced political fighters. Mainland policy is their Achilles Heel. They must overcome that Achilles Heel. If they cannot, the giant boulder blocking their return to power will remain in place, forever. Frank Hsieh has made his move in this chess game. The DPP is set to transform itself. The KMT is already on the side of expanded exchanges with the Chinese mainland. What reason does it have to assume such a timid posture? Holding the line will merely ensure one's defeat.

國民黨守成 就等於棄子求敗
    2012-10-16
    中國時報

　前行政院長、民進黨前主席謝長廷日前結束大陸的「開展之旅」，儘管他以私人行程定位這次訪問，但以其政治經歷和影響力，未來在民進黨內會激起何種效應，仍引起相當矚目；而謝長廷之行對開展兩岸關係不遺餘力的國民黨而言，更值得注意。

　謝長廷早在十九年前即曾帶隊參訪廈門，同行人士還包括獨派人士蔡同榮、姚嘉文等人，事實上，當年兩岸開放探親交流後，在野政黨登陸者遠多過執政的國民黨人士，兩岸交流沒牽涉太多的統獨意識形態，直到前總統李登輝美國康乃爾之行後，引爆一邊一國論，兩岸關係降到冰點，台獨意識一躍而成為政客攫取選票的工具，「賣台集團」甚至成為政壇新興紅帽子；民進黨執政八年，儘管前總統陳水扁以中間路線得到中間選民的肯定，但任內八年每遇選舉必操作統獨與族群議題，數得出來的藍營重量級政治領袖，無不被民進黨奉送過這頂紅帽子，莫怪當謝長廷祭祖熱淚盈眶，與大陸對台工作指導小組祕書長戴秉國會面後，難掩得意神色且善意表明自己沒被「消費」的同時，藍營人士一方面對謝此行表示樂觀其成，但實際上又很難平心靜氣看待。

　政治終究不是詐術，凡走過必留下痕跡，謝長廷在民進黨內是務實派的彈性人物，在現實與權力之間，他太清楚從俗或走人跡罕至之路的優劣點，沒有人會忘記他在綠色電台，以「查甫找嘸工，查某找嘸尪」嚴詞批評馬政府的兩岸經貿政策，而民進黨內所謂的「謝系子弟兵」們，又如何在立法院傾全力阻擋陸生學歷認證等重大政策，領受過太多頂紅帽子的國民黨黨政要員們，冷眼旁觀謝長廷登陸之舉的同時，也等著看未來民進黨如何收回這些紅帽子。

　當然，就台灣民主政治的發展，紅帽子不再亂飛畢竟是一件健康而正面的事，唯其如此，兩岸關係才能跳脫意識形態的桎梏，朝著對人民有利的大方向勇敢邁進。馬政府執政四年多，在大陸政策上著力最深，也有效突破自李登輝執政末期即冰凝十數年的兩岸關係，但始終予人「該進一步只走半步」的保守之感，比方說，大陸學歷認證硬是在立法院打兩架拖三年才通過，而陸生能在一定條件下納入健保，此刻還在討論研議中，甭提影響更巨的開放陸資來台，只做到了形式開放而無實際效益。

　兩岸開放交流廿多年來，北京曾對李登輝寄予厚望，亦曾對執政的民進黨抱持希望，最後還是在國民黨榮譽主席連戰與親民黨主席宋楚瑜先後訪問大陸後，重建信賴關係，這一次，大陸方面以相對高規格接待謝長廷的「私人行程」，既是對民進黨試水溫，也透露北京已然認清台灣民主政治的本質，既然政黨可能不斷輪替，則他們需要打交道的對象就不能只局限於國民黨，他們當然不希望更趨頻密的兩岸關係因為政黨輪替再次產生逆流，他們必須評估國民黨再次失去政權的可能和因應方案，這對兩岸互動當然是正面訊息，但對目前執政且有強烈企圖要維繫政權的國民黨而言，不能不說是一種警訊。

　中共十八大換屆前，從容接待謝長廷，看得出北京對台政策的穩定和信心，相對的，馬政府先一步更迭國安大陸人事，一般評價偏弱，看不出強烈的企圖心；然而，在國內外經濟局勢皆沉悶的當下，守成絕對不是上招，反而可能成為下策，因為民意不會容許馬政府在第二任繳出空白成績單，停滯不前只會讓民意求變之心更切，屆時，民進黨不必費力就能踏上重返執政的最後一哩路。

　台灣的政治光譜中，國、民兩黨其實差異並不這麼大，一個是不獨，一個是不統，根柢裡在政治上都是維持現狀，但對民進黨硬栽上的傾中紅帽子，國民黨似乎也漸漸信以為真，甚至對民進黨高舉台獨大旗也自我安慰是「兩岸關係的剎車皮」，於是，當剎車皮可能出現轉變時，國民黨似乎對該如何自我定位、做出更明確的區隔，顯得措手不及；謝長廷的第一步，未必是民進黨的一大步，畢竟此刻掌黨權的黨主席蘇貞昌尚未出招，但絕大多數民進黨人已經體會在爭取執政權上，大陸政策就是他們的罩門，罩門打不開，重返執政的大石頭就永遠擺在那兒，這局棋已由謝長廷開始啟動；民進黨要變，已經站在開放這一邊的國民黨豈能守成、甚至形同棄子求敗？