Democratic Paradox: Taiwan Independence Weakens, Hong Kong Independence Intensifies

Democratic Paradox: Taiwan Independence Weakens, Hong Kong Independence Intensifies
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 12, 2013 

Summary: People on Taiwan and in Hong Kong alike want democracy and human rights on the Mainland. Both criticize its absence. This means that Taiwan and Hong Kong still feel a "flesh and blood" kinship with the Mainland. If Taiwan, Hong Kong, and other regions of China ever perceive democracy and human rights on the Mainland as "your internal affairs," and adopt a "Why should I give a damn"" attitude, that will mark their total disillusionment and disidentification with the Mainland.

Full text below:

Over the past several months, the political atmosphere on Taiwan and in Hong Kong has undergone subtle, diametrically opposed changes. On Taiwan, Taiwan independence sentiment has clearly diminished, even as concern for democracy and human rights on the Mainland has increased. In Hong Kong, the opposite is the case. In Hong Kong, doubts have arisen about whether democracy and human rights on the Mainland have any relevance for Hong Kong. Something akin to "Hong Kong independence" has taken root.

Superficially, Taiwan has taken the road previously taken by Hong Kong, even as Hong Kong has taken the road previously taken by Taiwan. But the two phenomenon share something in common. Neither is optimistic about the prospect of democratization on Mainland China. Taiwan and Hong Kong both have grave concerns. Their concerns have become a problem for Beijing.

Green Camp spokesman Yao Jen-tuo declared, "Taiwan independence no longer has any market." Su Tseng-chang admonished the DPP, "Do not turn back the clock in order to promote Taiwan independence." Frank Hsieh spoke of "common roots, same language" and "one China, different constitutional interpretations." Hsu Hsin-liang spoke of "boldly championing one China." All these are evidence that Taiwan independence sentiment has steadily diminished.

Taiwan independence advocates were once cocksure of themselves. The DPP's response to democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland was to keep it at arms length. DPP members evinced a "well water has nothing to do with river water" mentality. They felt no "flesh and blood" identification with their Mainland compatriots. To them, the plight of the Mainland was "no skin off my ass." This mindset eventually spread to the general public on Taiwan. For example, Hong Kongers would gather in Victoria Park every June 4 to commemorate the Tiananmen Incident. But on Taiwan it was a non-event.

The DPP has begun debating whether to change its cross-Strait policy. It has spoken about "not turning back the clock in order to promote Taiwan independence." It is preparing to establish closer relations with Beijing. It has suddenly become concerned about democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland. Chen Guangchen's visit to Taiwan was no coincidence. The DPP's playing of this "human rights card" was calculated. An even more obvious indicator is the "Resolution on Human Rights in the Taiwan Strait" advanced by younger generation Green Camp leaders. It adopts a "human rights vs. sovereign rights" strategy. It shows that the DPP has changed course. Taiwan independence sentiment is diminishing. Concern for democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland is intensifying.

Hong Kong and Taiwan have taken opposite paths. The 1989 Tiananmen incident had a powerful impact on Hong Kong's 1997 retrocession to the Chinese nation. Few in Hong Kong objected to Hong Kong's "restoration to the mother country." But many were intensely concern about Beijing's treatment of democracy and human rights. Hong Kongers were alarmed and vigilant. This was apparent from their annual June 4 gatherings in Victoria Park.

But this year the situation changed. Some question the relevance of June 4th. They say "That is China's problem with democracy, not Hong Kong's." They say Hong Kong should stand on its own. They say Hong Kong should not provide Beijing with a pretext to intervene in "Hong Kong's internal affairs." This argument has not stopped others from meeting in Victoria Park. In response, these same people have challenged the protest movement's slogan "love of country, love of the people." They have argued that under one party rule, love of country equals love of the party. They want fellow protestors in Victoria Park to cease using such slogans. Hong Kong appears to be on the same road that Taiwan was on yesterday. Hong Kong is now questioning the relevance of June 4th. Some of the reasons for Taiwan's past indifference to democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland are now surfacing in Hong Kong.

This "Hong Kong independence movement" thinking is not mainstream political thought in Hong Kong. But it has had a significant shock effect. Enlightened moderates are advocating universal suffrage. Radicals are waving the "Tibetan Flag." Some protestors are even shouting "Chinese colonialists get out!" Their cries recall Taiwan independence denunciations of the ROC as a "foreign regime." Some protestors are even shouting "Down with the Hong Kong regime!" Their cries recall "Down with the Mao Zhu gang!" slogans. Some CCP officials already see these developments in Hong Kong as signs of "Hong Kong independence." Hong Kong today seems to being going down the same road Taiwan went down yesterday.

Taipei's relationship with Beijing is different from Hong Kong's relationship with Beijing. Its status is different. Its circumstances are different. People on Taiwan realize Taiwan independence is impossible. They realize they cannot sever their relationship with the Mainland. They realize they must conduct exchanges. That is why they have reverted to debating democracy and human rights. Doing so enables them to establish a communications channel as well as a buffering mechanism. Hong Kong, by contrast, is already under Mainland Chinese jurisdiction. Hong Kongers have apparently concluded that begging Mainland China to democratize within the foreseeable future is pointless. They have resorted therefore to demanding separation. They have adopted a "river water has nothing to do with well water" posture to safeguard their freedom and democracy.

The relationship between Taiwan and Mainland China is about to enter "deep water." As a result, Taiwan expects greater democracy and human rights from Beijing. Hong Kong, on the other hand, is already in "deep water." As a result, it is demaning separation. It wants to return to "shallow water." Taiwan's situation is different from Hong Kong's. But both are concerned about Beijing's attitude toward democracy and human rights. This is Beijing's responsibility. This is also Beijing's shame.

The Republic of China and the Hong Kong SAR are different. But people on Taiwan and in Hong Kong alike want democracy and human rights on the Mainland. Both criticize its absence. This means that Taiwan and Hong Kong still feel a "flesh and blood" kinship with the Mainland. If Taiwan, Hong Kong, and other regions of China ever perceive democracy and human rights on the Mainland as "your internal affairs," and adopt a "Why should I give a damn"" attitude, that will mark their total disillusionment and disidentification with the Mainland.

Taiwan independence or Hong Kong independence mean that Beijing must pursue democratic constitutional rule. It must implement "one country, one good system." It has no alternative.
  
民主弔詭：台獨降，港獨升？
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.12 04:08 am

這幾個月來，台灣與香港的政治氛圍出現一種微妙的反差變動。在台灣，台獨的聲勢明顯地趨於低弱，而對大陸「民主人權」的關懷則上升；在香港，卻似乎是背道而馳，對大陸民主人權的關懷受到質疑，一種被稱作「港獨」的元素卻在萌生。

就外觀上看，這似乎是台灣走上了香港以前走的路，也好像是香港走上了台灣以前走的路。但這個現象卻共同顯示，在看不到中國大陸民主化的前景之下，台灣與香港皆有深重的憂慮，這也成了北京當局的困境與難題。

最近幾個月，先有綠營文膽姚人多說「台獨建國已無市場」，接著又有蘇貞昌說「不要再走回頭路搞台獨」，再加上謝長廷的「共源同文／憲法各表」，與許信良的「大膽一中」，在在顯示著台獨的聲勢已趨低弱。

過去，在台獨氣焰較熾時，民進黨對中國大陸的民主人權關懷其實一直是保持著相當距離的；那是一種「井水不犯河水」的心態，既無「血肉相連」的感受，也就以「休問他人瓦上霜」相看待，而此種心態亦感染了台灣的民心民情。例如，香港每年六四的維多利亞公園晚會熱情不減，但六四在台灣卻是一口冷灶。

隨著民進黨開始議論兩岸政策的轉型，謂「不要再回過頭去搞台獨」，準備與中國大陸近身接觸，一時之間對大陸民主人權的關懷亦告上升。陳光誠的到訪，不能僅視為機緣巧合，民進黨對此應有打「人權牌」的算計；更明顯的指標是綠營青壯派在全代會提出《台海人權決議文》，楬櫫了「人權vs.主權」的戰略架構。從以上略論可以看出一道變化的軌跡：台獨趨低趨弱，對中國大陸民主人權的關懷卻見升高。

香港的變化則與台灣背道而馳。一九八九年的六四事件，對於當時將在一九九七「回歸」的香港產生強大衝擊。後來的香港，對「回歸祖國」未聞異聲，卻對北京的民主人權問題一直維持高度的關懷、警覺與監督，年年熱情不減的六四維園大會即是例證。

但是，情勢在今年卻出現了變化。有人發難質疑香港紀念六四的意義，稱那是「中國的民主問題，不是香港的」，香港應獨善其身，以免因紀念六四而給了北京介入「香港內政」的槓桿。此論未能阻止維園大會之舉行，於是又質疑大會「愛國愛民」的主題標語，指在「黨國一體」下，主張「愛國」即與「愛黨」不分，遂使維園晚會停用了「愛國愛民」的標語。此時的香港，是不是好像走上了台灣以前的道路？而從香港質疑紀念六四，也可看出台灣過去對中國大陸民主人權不熱衷的部分理由。

這一股被泛稱為「香港自治運動」的政治新元素，在當下的香港雖稱不上主流，卻在視聽上頗具震撼效應。其中的開明溫和派以主張普選為主題，激進派則舉起有如「西藏雪山獅子旗」一般意義的「龍獅旗」，甚至在遊行隊伍中出現「中國殖民者滾出去」（外來政權？），及「打倒港共政權」（打倒朱毛匪幫？）的巨幅標語。這些香港新生事物，已被中共有些人指為「港獨」，豈不也像走上了台灣過去的路？

在與中國大陸北京政權的關係上，台灣與香港處於不同的階段與不同的境遇。台灣似乎感知，台獨已不可能；既不能切割，必須交往，即回過頭來主張民主人權，以此建立交流的緩衝機制。另方面，香港卻已在中國的主權轄下，彷彿感知企求中國之全面民主化遙遙無期，遂轉而追求切割與分離，「河水不犯井水」，以保全香港的自由與民主。

台灣與大陸的關係將進入「深水區」，於是台灣升高了對北京民主人權表現之期待；香港則已處於「深水區」，卻希望切割、分離，回到「淺水區」。台港的境遇不同，但表現出來的皆是對於北京未能實現民主人權的憂慮與恐懼。這是北京的責任，也是北京的恥辱。

中華民國與香港特別行政區不同，但當台灣及香港對北京的民主人權表現尚有期待與批評時，這皆表示民心尚有一種「血肉相連」的感思；反之，如果到了台港等地，皆視大陸的民主人權為「誰要管你家的閒事」，即是「哀莫大於心死」。

不論是對台獨，或對港獨；北京除了努力追求民主憲治的「一國良制」，恐怕別無他法。