Taiwan's Democracy Can No Longer Rest on Its Laurels

Taiwan's Democracy Can No Longer Rest on Its Laurels
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 2, 2013

Summary: Take the Chang An-lo incident. The Blue and Green camps neutralized each other. The end result was "black plus red" becoming the consensus for both sides. How sad is that? Take the student protests against Hau Pei-tsun. Democracy remains mired in memories of persecution from 20 years ago. What are these, but signs that Taiwan's democracy has atrophied? If people do not extricate themselves from this democratic nihilism, how many more years can Taiwan's capital last?

Full Text below:

Chang An-lo, aka the "White Wolf," a wanted man who has been hiding on the Mainland for 17 years, has just returned to Taiwan and turned himself in to the authorities. The airport was crammed with thousands of people brandishing "Peaceful Reunification" banners. They even arranged a ceremonial lion dance to welcome him home. On the same day, former Premier Hau Pei-tsun delivered a speech at National Taiwan University. A dozen or so students waved protests signs, condemning him for his past repression of democracy.

Such protests have become commonplace. The public no longer considers them noteworthy. But look more closely. Contrast the Chang An-lo welcome and the Hao Pe-tsun protest, both of which took place on the same day. They underscore the astonishing diversity Taiwan's democracy. But they also underscore the disintegration of society's core values.

First take the welcome accorded the "White Wolf." He used the "China Unification Party" as cover for his criminal triad. He used the banner of "peaceful reunification and one country, two systems" to ingratiate himself with the Mainland authorities. The White Wolf's antics are perhaps the most surreal of all since the lifting of martial law on Taiwan. Especially noteworthy is Chang An-lo's triad background. Both the Blue and Green camp have been wary of his Red camp political leanings. His "black and red" political coloration stands out on Taiwan's political spectrum. This is precisely why he was not extradited 17 years after he fled. This is why his high-profile return, surrender, and immediate release on bail was so startling.

Now take the protests held against Hau Pei-tsun. In 1990, students initiated an "oppose military intervention in government" campaign. Thirty years later, some students are still waving "authoritarian injustice" protest signs, even though Hau long ago departed the political scene. One cannot help but experience a sense of "This evening, such an evening" chronological disorientation. It is not that students should not protest. It is merely that the wheels of democracy on Taiwan have continued turning over the past 20 years. These children were not even born when students first waved banners bearing identical slogans. Does this generation of young people really have no grievances of their own? Are they really so lacking in original thought that they can only parrot their elders' indignation? Is Taiwan's democracy really trapped in limbo, spinning its wheels?

Control Yuan President Wang Chien-hsuan spoke out that same day. He said that ever since direct presidential elections were initiated on Taiwan 25 years ago, we have been "eating our seed corn," i.e., "resting on our laurels." His choice of the 25 year mark since direct presidential elections may be problematic. But "resting on our laurels" was accurate and brutal. It sums up many peoples' feelings about Taiwan's political and economic decline. In recent years, everyone has sensed that Taiwan is in decline. We have undergone two changes in ruling parties. This has enabled people to see that the root of the problem is not with any particular political party or any particular individual, but with Taiwan's political system, with the utter debasement of its economic structure and its core values. This is the most horrific aspect of the problem. If Taiwan cannot find its way back, its weakened democratic structure may soon consume all its political and economic capital.

Chang An-lo's high-profile return reveals Blue vs. Green politics and democracy for what it is -- empty bluster. The college students' protests against Hau Pei-tsun merely underscore how Taiwan's democracy has discovered nothing new or meaningful for over two decades. Everyday Blue and Green legislators openly engage in pushing and shouting matches. Every year they convene extraordinary sessions to clear out all the bills still pending. Ruling and opposition party whips meet in smoke-filled rooms to negotiate all manner of under the table deals. These scenarios flagrantly consume our democratic capital. Administrative agencies are no exception. Every day, in order to appease the public, they offer "free benefits." But they have no idea how to communcate and coordinate before reaching final decisions. They have no idea how to brainstorm decisions to ensure effective policies. As a consequence, their underlings can only mutter under their breath, unable to persuade their superiors to change their thinking. How can this not consume Taiwan's democratic capital?

The government has become sluggish. The worst delusion of Taiwan's democracy is relativistic thinking. One person makes a suggestion. Another person immediately repudidates it. Once the different views have been made public, the two sides rehash the issue. Sometimes a third or fourth party chimes in. Together, they seek a broader consensus. But this is precisely why people lose sight of the bigger picture, and find it impossible to reach a consensus on the larger issues. Finally, this is a society that has been ripped apart by Blue vs. Green partisan conflict. It is doomed to obssess over a handful of trivialities, and incapable of upgrading itself.

Take the Chang An-lo incident. The Blue and Green camps neutralized each other. The end result was "black plus red" becoming the consensus for both sides. How sad is that? Take the student protests against Hau Pei-tsun. Democracy remains mired in memories of persecution from 20 years ago. It has failed to raise new concerns, such as the crowds who rioted over free Kingbus tickets worth a mere 100 NTD. What are these, but signs that Taiwan's democracy has atrophied?

If people do not extricate themselves from this democratic nihilism, how many more years can Taiwan's capital last?

台灣必須走出「吃老本」的民主
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.02 01:53 am

滯留大陸十七年的通緝犯「白狼」張安樂返台投案，機場湧進上千人拉著「和平統一」的布條並舞獅為他接機；同一天，前行政院長郝柏村在台大發表演講，十幾名學生在現場舉標語抗議，控訴他當年鎮壓民主。

對這類群眾場面，民眾其實已經司空見慣到沒什麼特別感覺。但如果仔細分辨，「歡迎張安樂」和「抗議郝柏村」兩個同日場景的突兀對照，除了說明台灣民主的奇幻多元，恐怕也相當程度反映了社會核心價值的崩裂失焦。

先說「白狼」，他用「中華統一促進黨」的名義掩護了他的黑幫組織，並高舉「和平統一，一國兩制」的旗號吃定對岸，這恐怕是台灣解嚴後政黨開放最超現實的演出。更值得玩味的是，由於張安樂的幫派背景，卻讓藍綠陣營都對他的「紅色」立場保持幾分「戒懼」；這抹「黑中帶紅」，成為台灣政治的藍綠調色板上詭異的裝飾。也正因為如此，他逃亡十七年而未被引渡，高調回國投案立刻交保，才那麼令人矚目。

至於郝柏村，在一九九○年學生發起「反軍人干政」運動廿三年之後，仍有學生舉著「威權不公」的牌子，向早已遠離政壇的他嗆聲，不禁讓人有「今夕何夕」之慨。並非學生不該抗議，而是台灣民主的巨輪轟隆轟隆地轉著，廿多年過去，這些當時尚未出生的孩子竟還舉著當年大學生同樣的標語；難道是這一代年輕人還沒有發現屬於自己的苦悶和憤慨，只能隨著前輩效顰；或者這反映了台灣民主繞來繞去走不出歷史陰影，還一直在原地踏步？

同一天，監察院長王建?也批評，自從總統直選後，台灣廿五年來一直在「吃老本」。他口中的廿五年或「總統直選」是不是準確的因素或分界點，仍有待驗證；但「吃老本」這個形容，確實殘酷地描述了很多人對台灣政經頹勢的感受。近年，大家都意識到台灣一直在走下坡；而歷經兩次政黨輪替，也讓人們看清問題根源不只在單一政黨或特定人物，而是台灣政治體制、經濟結構和價值觀全面性的退化與脫序，這才是最可怕的地方。如果台灣不能找到重振之道，以如此荏弱的民主體質繼續內耗下去，可能很快就會把老本吃光。

通緝犯張安樂的高調返國，暴露了藍綠政治與民主法治的虛張聲勢；而大學生向郝柏村嗆聲，則顯示台灣民主廿多年來找不到新的意義與座標。事實上，藍綠立委每天在那裡公開推擠對嗆，年年都要召開臨時會來進行法案清倉，而朝野黨鞭卻坐在協商密室中牽手進行各色的交易；這些景象，也都明目張膽地在吃民主的老本。包括行政部門，天天為了討好民意而不斷釋放小利小惠，卻不知道拍板定案前如何做好溝通協調，更不知道如何集思廣益提高決策效能；如此，徒有低聲下氣、打躬作揖卻缺乏說服能力的官員，又怎麼不吃掉台灣的民主老本？

除了政府體制的鈍化，台灣最嚴重的民主迷思，是墜入一種「相對式」的思考泥沼。有人提出一項主張，立刻有人用一個相對的意見把它抵銷或抹煞；而不是在出現不同的思考後，雙方反覆對話辯論，或加入第三方及第四方的主張，共同求取更成熟、包容更廣的結論。正因為如此，台灣也就失去了許多在大議題、大論述上求取共識的可能；最後，這個被藍綠撕裂的社會，就注定只能圍繞著少數枝微末節的事情打轉，而無法提升。

以張安樂事件為例，就是藍綠政治互相化約到最後，讓「黑加紅」變成了雙方共識的底線，豈不可悲！以學生抗議郝柏村為例，顯示民主還停滯在廿多年前的被迫害記憶，未能發展出新的關注。包括大批民眾為了區區一百多元的國光客運免費票，在那裡擾攘叫囂，不都是台灣民主志氣和尊嚴萎縮的徵象？

如果人們不把自己從這種民主虛無的狀態中振拔出來，請問，台灣還有多少年的老本可供磨耗？