Has the Asian-Pacific Platform Been Resurrected?

Has the Asian-Pacific Platform Been Resurrected?
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
April 21, 2010

Over the past few months, President Ma has been battered by the 8/8 Typhoon, the U.S. beef controversy, and a long string of other crises. These have led to him being characterized as weak and incompetent, and lacking any plan for governing the nation. Subsequent hikes in health insurance fees, confrontations between Yuan Presidents and Bureau Chiefs, and endless litigation, led to Health Director Yang's angry threat to resign. The Ma administration has been like a chicken with its head cut off, panicky and at a loss what to do.

The recent cabinet reshuffling left more than a few major national policy measures high and dry. The first time the new Minister of Economic Affairs spoke to the public, he announced plans for an "economic zone," one that had been studied and debated for months. But the Ministry of Finance strongly opposed lowering business taxes, and the Council of Labor Affairs brazenly refused to delink wages for foreign workers with the minimum wage. No consensus was reached even on these two matters. The Minister of Economic Affairs was left alone, hung out to dry, forced to abandon his plan.

Yet the "special economic zone" was a far more important policy than flood control bills, regulation of U.S. beef imports, and health care reform. It was a measure that could have extricated Taiwan from its economic predicament in one fell swoop. It could have allayed public doubts about economic liberalization. It could have provided momentum for economic growth. It could have underscored Taiwan's geographical advantage. It could have strengthened Taiwan's strategic hand in cross-Straits negotiations. Promoting the plan was a heavy responsibility, one that should have been borne by the nation's leaders. Instead, it was shouldered by a lowly minister. He was expected to override ministry heads of the same rank, and to determine its feasibility. How could he possibly succeed? People cannot help wondering, where were our leaders?

When the health insurance rate hike reached an impasse, President Ma suddenly laid down the law. The rates would be hiked according to the approach suggested by Health Director Yang. Health Director Yang withdrew his resignation. The public, which had sided with Yang, was mollified. But even as the rates were being hiked, low income insurees were being granted subsidies. Seventy percent of all insurees' fees would remain the same. Therefore Premier Wu's suggestion would also be honored. This amounted to a compromise, but one with careful thought behind it, and allowed both parties to hold their ground. President Ma also promised to promote the second generation health insurance plan. This may enable the first generation health insurance plan, with all its accompanying baggage, to be phased out. The rule of law, considered box office poison by the Legislative Yuan and frozen for years, rose like a phoenix from the ashes. The bill may even become law within the current legislative session. This "fling open the doors" approach has been much too rare since President Ma took office.

Disputes over health insurance have subsided. But the Industrial Innovation Act is again making waves. The Industrial Innovation Act should have been passed last year. Its purpose was to continue investment incentives and industrial upgrade measures introduced a half century ago. Its purpose was to provide companies on Taiwan with tax breaks and subsidies. Unfortunately over the past half century, the situation has changed dramatically. The government's finances are strapped. Tax breaks have been fully exploited. The Ma administration has no more tricks up its sleeve. The result has been a trendy catchphrase, "industrial innovation" -- nothing more than old wine in an old bottle.

Nor could the opposition DPP offer any sound alternative to this controversial legislation. The DPP knew only how to engage in blind obstructionism, and to create legislative deadlock. It obstinately dragged the process out, 100 days past the sunset of the Statute for Upgrading Industries. No resolution is in sight. Amidst this senseless stalemate, ruling party legislators quietly added an ultra low 15% operations headquarters tax for financial consortiums. This provoked an unexpected public backlash. The DPP took advantage of the situation to reduce the operations headquarters tax to 17.5%. The DPP was overjoyed, and promptly embraced it as an alternative to the Industrial Innovation Act. It won public approval, checked its opponent, and took the wind out of the ruling party's sails.

The DPP assumed that the KMT would not dare to follow suit. They never realized President Ma would "go with the flow." Ma swiftly made substantial changes to the party's version of the bill, dropping the tax rate to 17%. In retrospect the Ma administration clearly wanted to make major cuts in business taxes. But they was afraid to make the first move. They knew if they suggested any, the DPP would assume a contrarian stance. But once the DPP proposed a substantial tax cut, the Ma government pulled out its ace in the hole. The opposition Democratic Progressive Party has now lost its leverage. It has unwittingly played into the Ma administration's hand. Even more surprisingly, President Ma announced that wages for foreign laborers could probably be delinked from minimum wages within certain economic and trade zones. In one fell swoop, he removed two major obstacles standing in the way of an economic and trade zone. The public now realizes that tax cuts were actually chess moves intended to promote an economic and trade zone. The Industrial Innovation Act was merely an appetizer.

Was this chain of decisive moves merely a whim of the moment? Was it merely a lucky shot in the dark? Was it part of a well thought out plan? Was it merely an opportunistic move? Is the "Asian Pacific Platform" and "special economic zone" long anticipated by the public finally beginning to emerge? We will have to wait and see. If the Ma administration follows through, if all this turns out to be real, Taiwan will be far better prepared to face the challenges of the future.

亞太平台起死回生了嗎？
【聯合報╱社論】
2010.04.21 02:10 am

數月以來，馬總統坐困八八風災、美牛風波等一連串風暴堆砌的愁城之中，招致懦弱無能、治國無方的罵名，何其不堪。隨後又見調漲健保費，院長、署長互摃、爭訟不休，楊署長憤而以辭職相脅，馬政府竟似無頭蒼蠅，惶惶不知所措。

其實，早在內閣改組之際，諸多重大國政已瀕擱淺的情勢已現。新任經濟部長首次對外放話，竟是宣布研議已數月的「經貿特區」規劃，由於財政部堅決反對降低營所稅，而勞委會又悍然拒絕讓外勞薪資與基本工資脫鉤，兩個最起碼的必要條件無法具備，而使主事的經濟部長孤臣無力可回天，黯然宣告放棄。

然而「經貿特區」卻是一個遠比防治風災、管制美牛、改善健保財務重要百倍的政策；因為藉此可一舉突破台灣經濟困境，消除國人對自由開放的種種疑慮，讓經濟成長獲得動能，更可令台灣的地理優勢充分展露，在兩岸之間的戰略地位大幅提升。這個本該由國家領導人擘劃、推動的重責大任，卻落在區區一個部長肩頭，要求他凌駕兩個同等級的部會首長之上，裁決是否可行，豈能成事？人人都不能不問：在上的領導者所司何事？到哪去了？

就在健保費如何調漲相持不下之際，馬總統忽然做出裁示：調漲模式依楊署長，使楊署長打消辭意，全國聲援楊署長的民氣得到安撫；但於調漲同時，對高所得以外的投保人一律給予補助，令七成保費不漲，因而吳院長的主張也得以保全。雖屬折衷妥協，卻可見到其中的精心安排，使爭議雙方均維持了立場。在治標之外，馬總統同時承諾積極推動二代健保，讓這個或許可以消除一代健保嚴重積弊，但在立法院被視為票房毒藥而冷凍多年的法制可以起死回生，甚至可望在本會期之內即能完成立法程序。此種大開大闔的手法，正是馬總統就任後罕見的形象。

健保之爭初息，產創條例風波又起。本來去年即應完成立法的產創條例，其目的在於接續半世紀前開始實施的獎勵投資條例以及一脈相承的促進產業升級條例，繼續為台灣廠商提供一個減稅、補貼的方便之門。只是半世紀來，時空背景早已丕變，政府財政日窘，方便之門則飽受撻伐，而馬政府又變不出什麼新花樣，結果端出一個時髦的大帽子「產業創新」，編出一套舊瓶裝舊酒的條例。

然而，在野黨面對此一頗具爭議性的條例，竟也不能提出有效的對案取而代之，只知一味杯葛抵制，弄成一個不上不下的僵局，硬是拖到促產條例已落日逾百日，尚無法善後。在無謂的僵持中，執政黨立委受財團之囑，悄悄加進一個特許財團設立營運總部得享十五%超低營所稅的條款，意外引爆輿論的強烈抨擊，順勢引出一個可將營所稅率降至十七‧ 五％的方案。民進黨見獵心喜，欣然將之納為產創條例的對案，爭取民意認同，立顯棋高一著，大挫執政黨版聲勢。

民進黨的這一手，原本是料定國民黨一定不敢跟；卻完全料不到馬總統竟然順水推舟，迅速決定將黨版大幅修正，進而將稅率降至十七

％。事後的跡象可以看出，大幅降低營所稅原本即是馬政府的腹案，但一直不敢提出；倘若提出，民進黨一定全力反對。如今卻是民進黨主張大幅降稅，馬政府自然借力使力，掀開了底牌。事態至此，民進黨已失反對的槓桿，反而成就了馬政府的心願。更令人震撼的是，馬總統同步宣布，在一定經貿特區內，外勞基本薪資考慮可與基本工資脫鉤，一舉將阻礙經貿特區的兩座大山同時移開。此時國人似乎才發現，降稅行動實為推動經貿特區的一步棋，產創條例則儼然只是一道前菜而已。

這一連串明快的決策，究竟只是一時心血來潮、誤打誤撞的偶然？還是一個胸有成竹的方案，只是趁勢推出？國人憧憬已久的「亞太平台」「經貿特區」是否於焉誕生，尚待對馬政府的後續配套政策作進一步的觀察。倘若因此而可望逐步實現，應是台灣迎對未來嚴峻挑戰的重要憑藉。