Promote Cross-Strait Peace, Increase Public Welfare

Promote Cross-Strait Peace, Increase Public Welfare
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
October 18, 2011

Summary:In his "Golden Decade, National Vision" press conference, President Ma Ying-jeou set forth his proposal for a cross-Strait peace agreement, to be signed some time in the coming decade. A decade seems far away. But establishing a foundation for peaceful cross-Strait coexistence is a vast and difficult undertaking. We have a responsibility to the nation's future and to the public welfare. Therefore we must begin thinking seriously about how we can make it happen.

Full Text Below:

In his "Golden Decade, National Vision" press conference, President Ma Ying-jeou set forth his proposal for a cross-Strait peace agreement, to be signed some time in the coming decade. A decade seems far away. But establishing a foundation for peaceful cross-Strait coexistence is a vast and difficult undertaking. We have a responsibility to the nation's future and to the public welfare. Therefore we must begin thinking seriously about how we can make it happen.

President Ma proposed a peace agreement. He also listed three prerequisites: a high degree of public support, a pressing national need, and legislative oversight. These three prerequisites are essential in any democracy. The Republic of China is a democratic republic, Any policy must be endorsed by the public. It must be subject to legislative oversight. This goes without saying. President Ma said the government's approach to any cross-Strait peace agreement would be "gradual, prudent, and discrete." He said it would not sign for the sake of signing, and that it has no timetable. A peace agreement is not the government's highest priority item at the moment. But by raising the subject, he has effectively linked cross-Strait policy to the presidential election. He has encouraged voters to choose between progress toward a cross-Strait peace agreement or inaction, uncertainty, and the continued possibility of a cross-Strait war.

Most people on Taiwan support peaceful cross-Strait exchanges. But when it comes to a peace agreement, many still lack confidence in Beijing. A peace agreement affects national security. It requires mutual trust. President Ma Ying-jeou was willing to advance his vision before the election. This required considerable courage. The Green Camp is certain to accuse him of "selling out Taiwan." But President Ma Ying-jeou believes no leader elected by a democratic system of government may be slandered in such a fashion. This election will be a test of Taiwan society. It will reveal whether Taiwan society has transcended its bigotry vis a vis provincial origins.

History continues to advance. Society continues to evolve. This is true on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Before the two sides can sign a peace agreement, they must overcome numerous obstacles. They must clarify their goals. They must come to terms with each other's sovereignty. Their military forces must be willing to forsake the use of force. They must agree on how negotiations will be conducted. On the surface, Taipei wants peace, Beijing wants reunification. But at a deeper level both sides what both sides need is a peaceful and stable environment that permits shared development, that permits their children and grandchildren to grow up in an atmosphere of harmony and happiness. What both sides need is a vibrant and progressive civil society for the Chinese nation as a whole.

Therefore a peace agreement must be more than a quid pro quo. It must be more than a Machievellian power struggle. The two sides must share a commitment to a better future. If the two sides continue to engage in a battle of wits, then the basic conditions for a peace agreement do not exist. Signing a peace agreement is not the most important thing. The most important thing is creating an environment in which a peace agreement is possible. The hard part is creating the benign environment necessary for a peace agreement. Once such a benign environment has been created, a peace agreement is a forgone conclusion. Even without a peace agreement, peace would already be a reality.

When will such a day arrive? This should not be perceived as a problem. It should be perceived as a goal. How do we make such a day possible? Changing the nation's future is an important matter. To treat it as something unknowable, to sit back and allow the situation to evolve on its own, is not merely wrong, but irresponsible.

Given existing cross-Strait relations, such a goal seems impossible. But given the progress made in cross-Strait relations, and the liberalization taking place on the Chinese mainland, significant changes will take place, internally and across the Strait over the coming decade.

President Ma said that over the next decade, the government must continue affirming the sovereignty of the Republic of China, It must continue increasing its strength. It must encourage healthy cross-Strait relations. It must build long-term peace and stability. The two sides may not recognize each other's sovereignty. But they must not deny each other's jurisdiction. We hope the government will establish cross-Strait administrative mechanisms. We hope it will promote the Republic of China's core values: freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. We hope that interactions between officials and civilians on both sides of the Strait gradually move toward consensus.

A stable and peaceful environment will enable the two sides to continue vigorous exchanges. Such exchanges will showcase Taiwan as an alternative model for the development of the Chinese nation. It will inspire the public on the Chinese mainland. Militarily Taipei cannot to prevail against Beijing. But morally, Taipei has greater respect for the human individual, therefore much to be proud of. The longer peaceful cross-Strait exchanges continue, the more benign society on the Chinese mainland will become. This is an opportunity for Taiwan. It is also an opportunity for the Mainland, It is an opportunity for the Chinese nation as a whole.

Ensuring the welfare of the people is the foremost responsibility of both governments. Both sides must promote peace and mutually beneficial exchanges. They must set aside matters of political conflict and address matters of public welfare. They must demonstrate wisdom and courage. They must join hands to create a peaceful and prosperous future for the public on both sides of the Strait.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2011.10.19
社論－打造兩岸和平 為人民謀福祉
本報訊

馬英九總統在「黃金十年，國家願景」記者會上，提出在未來十年洽簽兩岸和平協議的構想。從現在看，十年似乎很遙遠，但為兩岸打造一個穩固的和平環境、締造共存共榮的基礎，是一項非常巨大艱難的工程，基於對國家前途和人民福祉的責任感，的確應該開始慎重思考並持續經營。

馬總統在提出和平協議的同時，也設下了「民意高度支持、國家確實需要、國會監督」等三項前提。這三項前提，都是一個民主國家必然存在的政策制約機制，台灣既然已是民主國家，任何政策都要取得民意的背書及接受國會監督，這點毋庸置疑。馬總統同時表示，政府對兩岸和平協議會「循序漸進、審慎斟酌」，不會為簽而簽，也沒有時間表，更不是目前最優先的項目。不過既然提出來，實質上等於把兩岸路線和總統大選明確地綁在一起，要選民在兩岸朝和平協議方向前進或兩岸和戰未卜之間作個選擇。

若問民意，台灣民眾絕大多數支持兩岸和平交流，但談到和對岸簽協議，可能仍有不少人對中國缺乏信任，而和平協議涉及國家安全，尤其必須建立在互信之上。馬英九總統願意在大選前明白提出這個願景，是需要相當勇氣的，因為綠營可能會提出「賣台」的質疑。但馬英九總統卻相信，一個由民主機制產生的政府，無論其領導人的省籍背景，都沒有理由、也不應該再被扣上這樣的帽子。對台灣社會跨越省籍情結的進程而言，這將是一次考驗。

歷史前往邁進，社會也不斷演變進化，兩岸皆然。兩岸要簽署和平協議，必須克服許多障礙，包括目標為何、對彼此主權地位的認知、軍方是否願意放棄訴諸武力、談判的形式等等。表面上看來，台灣要的是和平，中國要的是統一，但其實更深遠來說，兩岸要的應該是一個和平穩定的共同發展環境，讓彼此的子孫都能在安和樂利中成長，從而為整個民族開創更充滿活力的進步文明社會。

因此，一個和平協議，不應該只是利益的交換乃至爾虞我詐的角力，而是雙方對一個更美好未來的共同承諾，如果還要繼續搞鬥智拚角力，那就根本沒有簽署的基本條件了。最重要的，與其說是簽署和平協議，不如說是締造一個可以簽署和平協議的兩岸環境。難就難在經營出這樣的一個良性環境，一旦達成，不要說和平協議水到渠成，即使沒有協議，和平也已經獲致了實質的存在。

那樣的一天會不會來臨呢？這不應該是個問題，而應該是一個目標：我們要如何創造出那一天。把這樣重要的國家未來課題拋給未知，消極坐待情勢演變，是不對、也是對自己不負責任的。

如果以現在的兩岸態勢來思考，也許覺得難如登天，但看看現在兩岸社會發展的狀況，以及中國大陸面對的開放風潮，十年之內，無論在各自內部及彼此交流上，都一定會有很大的變化。

馬總統表示，在未來的十年當中，政府要繼續鞏固中華民國的主權，壯大台灣的實力，引領兩岸的關係良性發展，建構台海長期和平穩定。「雙方互不承認主權，但互不否認治權」，希望循序推動兩岸互設辦事的機構。並且要發揚台灣核心價值，就是自由、民主、人權、法治；不論是兩岸當局的互動或是人民的互動，都希望這些核心價值能逐漸變成雙方的共識。

的確，一個穩定的和平環境，將有助於兩岸持續的蓬勃交流；而隨著交流，台灣作為中華民族另一種發展模式與生活方式，可以對中國民眾帶來新的想像。比軍力，台灣也許贏不了中國；但比起人的價值所得到的尊重，台灣確實有值得驕傲的地方。兩岸和平交流的時間愈長，台灣就愈有機會看見中國社會出現良性進化，這不只是給台灣機會，更是給中國、給整個民族機會。

說到底，對人民福祉有利，才是兩岸政府最重要的責任。和平互利，放下政治對立，回歸人民利益，以兩岸的智慧與勇氣，共同創造和平繁榮的未來，是兩岸都需要開始積極思考的課題。