Tsai Ing-wen's "18% Edition of the Republic of China"

Tsai Ing-wen's "18% Edition of the Republic of China"
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China)
A Translation
October 12, 2011

Summary: Tsai Ing-wen assiduously collects and deposits her 18% preferential interest rate for Republic of China civil servants into her bank account, even as she rails against it. By the same token, Tsai Ing-wen accepts the Republic of China, even as she repudiates the Republic of China. Chen Shui-bian's precedent is a warning, Tsai Ing-wen clings to her "18% preferential interest rate edition of the Republic of China." She was unable to unite the DPP. She will surely divide society, She will find it particularly difficult to deal with cross-Strait relations. That is because her 18% preferential interest rate edition of the Republic of China is merely a tool to seize power, It is not a platform for governing the nation.

Full Text Below:

Tsai Ing-wen assiduously collects and deposits her 18% preferential interest rate for Republic of China civil servants into her bank account, even as she rails against it. By the same token, Tsai Ing-wen accepts the Republic of China, even as she repudiates the Republic of China.

Apparently the only part of the Republic of China that Tsai Ing-wen accepts, is the 18% preferential interest rate. She rejects the Republic of China created by the 1911 Xinhai Revolution, She says the linkage between the Republic of China and the 1911 Xinhai Revolution "makes her feel uneasy." She does not accept "one China, different interpretations." She does not accept the Republic of China as a Taiwan consensus, or as the basis for cross-Strait reconciliation. In other words, Tsai Ing-wen's version of the Republic of China, severs the Republic of China from its past and denies it any future. By the time Tsai is through with the Republic of China, what is left other than the 18% preferential interest rate she regularly collects and deposits in her bank account?

Tsai Ing-wen now says "The Republic of China government is not a foreign government." "The DPP is tolerant enough to include the Republic of China and the KMT as part of Taiwan," It is tolerant enough to say that "Taiwan is the Republic of China, and the Republic of China is Taiwan." This, ostensibly, is a new and improved rhetorical line. Actually it is ironic in the extreme. This may be a change relative to Tsai Ing-wen's earlier assertion that "The Republic of China is a government in exile." But for years the DPP has repeatedly flip-flopped on its rhetoric regarding the nation and the constitution. Tsai Ing-wen's rhetoric is actually a regression relative to Chen Shui-bian's "five noes" and "I swear to defend the Republic of China." It is merely another variant of the old "bait and switch" Taiwan independence "backdoor listing" trick.

Taiwan independence elder Yao Chia-wen declared that the Taiwan independence movement only recognizes the Republic of China Constitution's electoral system, It refuses to recognize everything else. Actually, this is exactly like Tsai Ing-wen's "18% preferential interest rate" take on the Republic of China. In other words, the Taiwan independence movement merely wants its candidate elected Republic of China president. It merely wants to skim the cream off the top of the Republic of China. It refuses to accept the Republic of China's past or future. Therefore when Tsai Ing-wen publishes a "new" theory about the status of the Republic of China, Taiwan independence advocates chime in and say, "So what if we have to resort to a little deceit? We'll change the name after we win the election." They say, "Let her say what she needs to say to win. We'll say what we really believe. Together our votes will bring us victory." As we can see from these arguments, Tsai Ing-wen's "new" rhetoric on national identity is merely "campaign rhetoric" and "a little deceit." It is still the same old "backdoor listing" trick. Taiwan independence advocates understand this perfectly,

It's funny when one thinks about it. Tsai Ing-wen hopes to be elected President of the Republic of China. But 90 days before the election, she is still proclaiming that "The DPP is tolerant enough to accept the Republic of China." But if she is elected, can she really refuse to swear allegiance to the Constitution of the Republic of China? Given her attitude, isn't Tsai Ing-wen even worse than Chen Shui-bian in 2000?

Tsai Ing-wen's new rhetoric raises at least six questions. First, her logic is even less progressive, even more regressive than Chen Shui-bian's "five noes." Second, the DPP's rhetoric concerning the status of the nation has zero credibility. Chen Shui-bian reneged on his "five noes" promise. He performed a complete about face and championed the "rectification of names," the "authoring of a new constitution," and "four demands and one no." Tsai Ing-wen has long maintained that "The Republic of China is a government in exile." She has now performed an about face and allows that "The Republic of China government is not a foreign government." How many more times will she flip-flop in the future? Third, Tsai Ing-wen is running for Republic of China President -- on behalf of the Taiwan independence movement. The DPP's "Taiwan independence party platform" remains in force. Tsai Ing-wen's "new" rhetoric, has invited criticism even from Taiwan independence advocates. How can anyone trust such a platform? Fourth, this "new" rhetoric is merely the same Taiwan independence "bait and switch" charade that has been played out countless times in the past. It is merely "a little deceit," not to be taken too seriously. Taiwan independence advocates will "change the name after we win the election." How is this time any different? Fifth, Tsai Ing-wen talks about the "Republic of China." But she is not referring to the Republic of China and the Republic of China Constitution as it exists and operates. She is referring to a "backdoor listing" version of the Republic of China. Such an ersatz "Republic of China" will tear Taiwan apart internally. It will make cross-Strait disputes insoluble. Taiwan will once again descend into the dreaded Taiwan independence generated chaos of the past. Sixth, the "1992 consensus" and "one China, different interpretations" is the necessary foundation for cross-Strait peaceful development. But Tsai Ing-wen keeps second-guessing herself. She refuses to state where she stands.

The Republic of China was founded in 1911. That fact is an inseparable part of its history. The Republic of China must deal with cross-Strait relations according to the Republic of China Constitution. This is an unavoidable fact. Tsai Ing-wen would like to cut off the Republic of China from its past, and avoid any mention of its future. She would like to snap of its head, and cut off its tail. Tsai Ing-wen's "Republic of China" is nothing more than a minor twist on the same old "backdoor listing" brand of Taiwan independence. Chen Shui-bian was elected president using this trick. He remained in power for eight years, How is Tsai Ing-wen's approach any different? In sum, the only part of the Republic of China that Chen and Tsai recognize, is the "Republic of China electoral system, useful for seizing power, We refuse to recognize everything else about the Republic of China."

Chen Shui-bian's precedent is a warning, Tsai Ing-wen clings to her "18% preferential interest rate edition of the Republic of China." She was unable to unite the DPP. She will surely divide society, She will find it particularly difficult to deal with cross-Strait relations. That is because her 18% preferential interest rate edition of the Republic of China is merely a tool to seize power, It is not a platform for governing the nation.

蔡英文的「18%中華民國」
【聯合報╱社論】
2011.10.12 01:57 am

蔡英文領十八％，又反十八％。無獨有偶，蔡英文也接受中華民國，又反中華民國。

蔡英文接受的中華民國，彷彿只剩十八％。她不接受一九一一年由辛亥革命創建的中華民國，而認為將中華民國與辛亥革命連結，「讓人感到不安」；她且不接受以「一中各表」的中華民國憲法作為「台灣共識」，及作為未來兩岸折衝的準據。也就是說，蔡英文所說的中華民國，切斷了中華民國的過去，又拒絕承當中華民國的未來；經此七折八扣的中華民國，豈不形同只剩十八％？

蔡英文說「中華民國政府不是外來政府」、「民進黨願將中華民國及國民黨包容在台灣觀念之下」，及「台灣就是中華民國，中華民國就是台灣」，而被指稱是一種改善的新論述，這其實是極端諷刺的說法。或許，這套說詞與蔡英文原本所稱「中華民國是流亡政府」比較，已有變化；但是，若與民進黨長期以來在國憲論述上的反覆變化比較起來，蔡英文的論調，較諸陳水扁的「四不一沒有」及「我誓死捍衛中華民國」，其實反而是一種倒退，而根本只是一套「借殼上市」的變體台獨論述。

台獨元老姚嘉文說，台獨只承認中華民國憲法的選舉制度，其他一概否認；其實，這也正是蔡英文的「十八％中華民國觀」。亦即，台獨只想搶當中華民國的總統，只想吃中華民國的甜頭，但拒絕中華民國在過去及未來的承當。因而，當蔡英文發表中華民國新論後，獨派紛紛表態，稱「就是要奸詐一點，選贏了再來改嘛」，「她喊她的，我們喊我們的，票加起來就會贏」；由這些論調可見，蔡英文的國家認同新論述，在獨派的解讀中，只是「選舉語言」、「奸詐騙術」，仍是「借殼上市」。

說來可笑，蔡英文要選中華民國總統，一直到了選前九十餘日，才宣示「民進黨願包容中華民國」；難道她若選上可以不根據中華民國憲法宣誓就職？這樣的蔡英文，豈不較二○○○年的陳水扁還不如？

蔡英文的新論，至少可有六點質疑。一、她的論調，較諸陳水扁的「四不一沒有」，未有超越，只見倒退。二、民進黨人的國家論述不可信。陳水扁可由「四不一沒有」，翻覆到「正名制憲」、「四要一沒有」；則蔡英文由「中華民國是流亡政府」，翻覆到「中華民國政府不是外來政府」，未來還會如何反覆？三、蔡英文是代表台獨參選，且民進黨的《台獨黨綱》依然有效；蔡英文的新論，連獨派對之亦有批評，則憑什麼作為可以信任的競選政見？四、這套說詞在本質上仍只是「奸詐一點，選上再說」的台獨變裝秀；過去已經不知演出過多少次，這次豈有不同？五、如果蔡英文所稱的中華民國，不是完完整整的根據中華民國憲法而存在並運作的中華民國，而是「借殼上市的中華民國」，則對內仍將撕裂台灣，對外亦無以因應兩岸折衝，必再陷入台獨亂台的覆轍。六、「九二共識／一中各表」是兩岸「和平發展」的前提與基礎，但蔡英文卻顧左右而言他，對此仍無回應。

中華民國創建於一九一一年，這是切不斷的歷史；中華民國必須在中華民國憲法的程序下處理兩岸關係，這也是無可迴避的承當。蔡英文那種切割過去，逃避未來，掐頭去尾的中華民國，仍是「借殼上市」的變體台獨；其實，陳水扁正是用此種手段當選總統，執政了八年，則蔡英文的這套手法又有何新鮮之處？歸結而論，扁蔡二人心目中的中華民國，豈不皆是「只承認中華民國的選舉制度，以奪取政權，其他一概不承認」？

陳水扁的殷鑑不遠，蔡英文倘竟仍持此種「十八％的中華民國論」，非但不能整合民進黨，且必將撕裂社會，尤難因應兩岸關係；因為，十八％的中華民國論述，只是愚民奪權的手腕，而絕非繼往開來的治國方案！