Lifted: The Nativist Curse

Lifted: The Nativist Curse
United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
2008.04.21 2:26 am

It is less than a month after the election. The new government has yet to be formed. But the atmosphere has already changed considerably. Vincent Siew's presence at the Boao Forum is already melting the ice in the Taiwan Strait. The stale air created by the DPP's eight year long Closed Door policy is dissipating. Under pressure from the new mandate, the old regime has offered to adopt the new regime's policies in advance. A constructive form of competition has already begun.

Examples of this competition abound. The incoming Ma/Siew administration is about to open the island to mainland tourists. In response, Kaohsiung Mayor Chen Chu has urged a policy of "Southern Entry, Southern Departure." She hopes to increase business opportunities for Kaohsiung. Failing that, she urges a policy of "Northern Entry, Southern Departure." In the area of agriculture, Yunlin County hopes to hold a fruit festival timed to match the Beijing Olympics. County Magistrate Su Chi-feng personally led a delegation to Macao to solicit tourism. The Council of Agriculture, which struggled mightily to prevent the sale of Taiwan fruits to the mainland, has now reversed itself. It has decided to subsidize the sale of agricultural products from eight counties to the mainland.

Even some private sector pig farmers are chomping at the bit, shouting "Taiwan pigs must counterattack the mainland!" They hope to sell high quality Taiwan pork to the mainland. The incoming Ma/Siew administration has announced its intention to make the NTD and RMB convertible in July. In response, the Central Bank is buying RMB in advance. Although its response remains guarded, its attitude is eminently pragmatic.

Such changes are a form of "political exorcism." Over the past eight years, a "Nativist" consciousness and Taiwan independence Political Correctness took possession of the Taiwan public. Many normal economic and trade activities were seen as taboo. Opening up to the mainland was beyond the pale. Normal exchanges were forbidden. The Chen regime imposed a wide range of obstacles to cross-strait exchanges. In the end it merely limited its own options. Once the DPP lost the election, these taboos suddenly lost their power to intimidate. People suddenly realized cross-strait links weren't so frightening. Over the past eight years no one dared violate these taboos, despite the fact they had little justification, and weren't fraught with all the peril the DPP would have people believe.

Take Boao for example. The Hu/Siew summit was a rare event. But for the public on Taiwan, seeing the ruling DPP's blockade lifted, almost at the snap of one's fingers, was even more meaningful. The Chen regime drew a line in the sand.
Siew stepped right over it, then returned a conquering hero. The Green Camp accused Beijing of "demeaning" Siew. In reality, he was feted as a VIP. The DPP warned Siew that Beijing would humiliate him by forcing him to use a "Taiwan Compatriot Entry Permit." In reality, aides from the two sides solved that problem neatly through bilateral consultation. For the past eight years the DPP has been weaving horror stories. hoping to frighten the public. Its stories, unable to withstand the light of day, have turned to dust.

The process is worth reviewing. During the election, the ruling DPP demonized the Ma/Siew camp's "Cross-Strait Common Market" in every possible way. The DPP denounced it as a "Policy of Surrender," as a stalking horse for a "One-China Market." The Hsieh camp even composed a limerick: "Taiwan men will be unable to find work. Taiwan women will be unable to find husbands. Taiwan children will end up as child labor in Heilongjiang." One month later, DPP officials from the central government level to the municipal and county levels, are singing an entirely different tune. Now how interesting is that?

A press release issued by the mainland Ministry of Commerce after the Boao Forum was equally interesting. It included boilerplate regarding the "One China Principle." It was in close accord with the spirit of "One China, Different Interpretations." But Beijing was so concerned about Taipei's feelings, it deleted the "One China" terminology three hours later. Such flexibility has changed Beijing's rigid, hardline image, and left a positive impression on the Taiwan public. The political exorcism is having an impact on both sides of the strait.

The political exorcism originated from within civil society, and represents the collective will of the public. It was a rational, grass roots social movement. The ruling DPP overplayed its Nativist hand. The Chen regime's Closed Door policy alienated the electorate. The Green camp's Nativist and Taiwan independence rhetoric lost its magic spell. Once the spell of populism was broken, rational discourse returned. A return to rational discourse and normal party politics is a welcome change indeed.

After wandering through a political wasteland for eight years, we have finally emerged into the light. We are breathing fresh air, unpolluted by the rhetoric of populism. Many people are undoubtedly heaving deep sighs of relief. Over the past decade, how many people have been subjected to unprovoked taunts of "Chinese pigs, go back to where you came from!" Today, Taiwan pig farmers are shouting "Taiwan pigs must counterattack the mainland!" Such a simple change. Yet how many hearts has it touched? What a relief to inhabit a new era, free of political insults.

魔咒剝落：解讀近月的政治除魅現象
【聯合報╱社論】
2008.04.21 02:26 am

選後至今尚未滿月，新政府仍未籌組完成，但整體社會氣氛已有不小的變化。隨著蕭萬長博鰲行帶來兩岸融冰，台灣八年鎖國的窒悶似已陰霾盡散；而隨著民意的趨向開放，舊政府對新政府提出的若干主張也提前配合採行，顯示良性競爭的機關已經啟動。

具體的事例俯拾皆是。對應馬蕭的開放大陸觀光客來台，陳菊要爭取陸客「南進南出」或「北進南出」，增加高雄市的商機。在農產品方面，雲林縣將配合奧運登陸舉辦水果展售會，縣長蘇治芬更親自率團赴澳門行銷；而曾力阻台灣水果登陸的農委會，也決定斥資補助八縣農產品銷陸。

影響所及，連一些民間豬農都摩拳擦掌，聲稱「台灣豬要反攻大陸」，要將台灣優質豬肉賣到大陸。除此之外，對應馬蕭宣布七月將開放人民幣兌換，央行日昨決定先一步開放「買入」業務，雖嫌保守，但至少踏出務實的一步。

這樣的變化，簡單地說，就是一個「政治除魅」的過程。過去八年，在本土意識及台獨口號的催眠下，許多原本正常的經貿活動被當成禁忌，原本開放的言論領域被畫為禁區，原本簡單的交流事務讓人不敢碰觸；扁政府的諸多禁制羈礙了人民，最後也大大局限了自己的作為。民進黨敗選後，這些符咒一一剝落，人們才發現，過去八年大家不敢踏入的那個禁區，設禁的理由其實沒有那麼可信，也沒有民進黨宣稱的那麼多危險。

以博鰲會為例，蕭胡的會面固屬難得；但對台灣民眾而言，更重要的是，看到一個封鎖台灣的魔咒彈指之間即被解除。蕭萬長跨過扁政府拉起的「危險勿近」黃線，結果是豐收而歸；綠營指他遭到「矮化」，其實他是備受禮遇；民進黨認為絕對不可以拿那紙台胞證，其實透過雙方協商，交由幕僚代辦即輕易解決。民進黨八年來編出來嚇唬人民那套故事和邏輯，禁不起陽光曝曬，瞬間土崩瓦解。

這樣的「除魅」過程，深耐咀嚼。大選期間，馬蕭「兩岸共同市場」的主張被執政黨百般醜化，指為投降主義的「一中市場」，謝營甚至編出「查甫找無工，查某找無尪，囝仔要去黑龍江」的順口溜，極盡嘲諷及汙蔑。而不過短短一個多月的時光，民進黨從地方縣市到中央部會都陸續轉向，開始望向海峽對岸，這是多麼有趣的變化圖像！

同樣有意思的是，大陸商務部在博鰲會後發出官樣文章的「一個中國原則」的新聞稿，若依「一中各表」的精神，「對內說一套」其實是可以容忍的事；但北京為顧慮台灣方面的感受，在三個半小時內迅即刪除「一中」字眼。這樣的彈性，不僅一洗北京的僵固、死硬形象，也讓台灣民眾對其務實留下好評。可以說，「政治除魅」的作用，其實已開始在海峽兩岸同時發酵。

追根究柢，這場除魅的源頭，是台灣公民在大選的集體意志展現，它可以說是一場選民推動的「理性運動」。誤把「本土意識」玩成「鎖國政策」的扁政府遭到選民唾棄，它所賴以支撐的本土及台獨論述也為之斷裂；民粹碎裂、魔咒脫落之後，接下來自然是公民社會向理性回歸。從民主政治或政黨競爭的角度看，政策能夠回到理性辯論，政治能夠回歸良性競爭，這都是讓人樂觀且期待的發展。

走出政治硝煙蔽天的八年，呼吸沒有民粹粉塵的自由空氣，許多人都應該感到心胸開闊不少。回想過去族群對立的年代，多少人無端被罵「中國豬滾回去」，而如今竟有台灣養豬戶振臂高呼「台灣豬反攻大陸」；短短一句話，莞爾化開了多少人胸中的鬱結。沒有政治咒罵的日子，真清爽！