The KMT Needs a Trowel as well as a Machete

The KMT Needs a Trowel as well as a Machete
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
January 19, 2011

Wang Yu-ting's resignation from the Youth Commission chairmanship has yet to be finalized. But King Pu-tsung has already resigned as KMT Secretary-General. King Pu-tsung's nickname is "little gold knife." But basically a secretary general should be a "trowel" rather than a "knife." He should make repairs, working slowly and deliberately. King Pu-tsung was more like a machete. He longed to slash away at the clutter. Instead he may have damaged the roots.

Wang Yu-ting turned down the job. This reflects Blue Camp defeatism. It also reflects an unwillingness to accept an offhand recruitment. To King Pu-tsung, the party was in dire straits. How could Wang Yu-ting think only of herself? But Wang Yu-ting felt that for her to become cannon fodder was pointless, and would benefit neither the party nor herself. Considered calmly, neither King nor Wang were wrong. They merely had different priorities. Wang Yu Ting's rejection, and King Pu-tsung's resignation amounted to the same thing. As matters stood, no one could have managed. This was true for Wang Yu-ting. This was true for King Pu-tsung as well.

King Pu-tsung and Wang Yu-ting faced the same problems as the KMT as a whole. They face problems at two levels. The first is the level of high-ranking party and government officials. The other is the level of grass-roots society. Consider the level of hig-ranking party and government officials. Cross-Strait policy appears to be the only policy that is working. Even this is subject to accusations of "pandering to [Mainland] China and selling out Taiwan." Other policies often raise controversies. Take Kuan Chung's self-righteous handling of the 18% interest rate, and his handling of King Pu-tsung and Wang Yu-ting. He was completely out of touch with the public. Poor coordination between the party and the administration also created problems. The handling of the 18% interest rate left military personnel, civil servants, and teachers deeply hurt. Ordinary citizens felt cheated. The handling of health care insurance angered the middle class. The handling of the five cities elections angered local factions, As a result, support at the grassroots level was shaken. Problems with misgovernance dogged them at higher levels. The prospect of electoral defeat loomed at the grassroots level. Wang Yu-ting turned down the post. But didn't King Pu-tsung do the same?

During the Kaohsiung legislative by election, KMT Secretary-General King Pu-tsung actually nominated Hsu Ching-huang. But in Tainan, he was unable to persuade Wang Yu-ting and Kao Shi-po to run. His frustration can only be imagined. But anger is no solution. The public agrees with King Pu-tsung's attempt to recruit Wang Yu-ting. But it felt he handled the matter too clumsily. A way must be found to improve governing ability at the upper level, and campaigning ability at the grassroots level. .

King Pu-tsung is likely to rejoin Ma Ying-jeou's campaign committee. He may well be the right man for the right job. As a member of his campaign committee, he can intercept people and matters Ma wants to ignore. Ma can then deal only with a few consultants and public relations experts. During the past one year and one month, he should have been a "can do" secretary general. Instead, he turned himself a public target. He got what he wanted. But how can he face Ma Ying-jeou, who had such high hopes for him?

Ma's vision is sound. His heart is in the right place. His conduct is upright. Cross-Strait relations are improving. The economy is taking a turn for the better. Logically everything ought to be hunky dory. But his party and his adminstration remain victims of failures in communication. Take two examples. Kuan Chung still does not realize that his big mouth got him into trouble. King Pu-tsung still clings to his pride, and refuses to bow to custom. Both have problems communicating and connecting with the public. It may be unfair to characterize their attitude as "smugness." But at the very least it suggests a serious case of political tone-deafness.

King Pu-tsung may be an extreme case within the KMT, someone who resorts to both the carrot and the stick, to both orthodox and heterodox methods. But the "little gold knife" seems to lean only one way. He seems to think that as long as he is in the right, he can ignore how the system operates and the need to communicate with the public. The secretary general's job is to ensure that the party chairman has no other worries. Instead, he has left the party chairman with this mess to clean up. The secretary general should have no arguments with the world. Instead, he has created a rift within the party. This is hardly what Ma Ying-jeou and King Pu-tsung wanted to see. All one can say about his appointment as secretary general, is that they two came together due to a misunderstanding, and the two are parting ways now because they finally understand each other.

King Pu-tsung's style was prickly and unorthodox. If truth be told, it was consistent with public expectations that he transform KMT's "muddle through" mentality. He did not muddle through. But he was failed to reform the party's "muddle through" mentality. As we can see, politics sometimes requires drastic action. It sometimes call for someone to swing the machete. But it also requires a trowel. It also requires someone able to work slowly and deliberately.

Liao Liao-yi has been presented with a tough situation. Wang Yu-ting can refuse to rise to the challenge. King Pu-tsung can throw in the towel. But Liao Liao-yi must deal with the matter. The Ma Ying-jeou administration must do better. Party and adminstration officials must demonstrate greater governing ability at the top, and greater communication ability at the grassroots. Otherwise its burden can only grow heavier and heavier.

國民黨需要開山刀也要鏝刀
【聯合報╱社論】 2011.01.19

王昱婷請辭青輔會主委尚待定案，金溥聰卻先辭去了黨秘書長。金溥聰號稱金小刀，而黨秘書長基本上應是一把「鏝刀」，堆砌修葺，慢工出細活；但金溥聰卻像一把「開山刀」，想的是披荊斬棘，實際上卻可能折幹傷根。

王昱婷拒戰，一方面是藍軍失敗主義的反映，另一方面也是不能接受這種臨場拉伕式的徵召；金溥聰心裡想的是黨面臨如此困境，王昱婷豈能打自己的算盤？但王昱婷心裡想的卻是，作這種無謂的砲灰，對黨對個人有何意義？冷靜思考，金王二人的想法皆沒有錯，只因角色不同而已。王昱婷拒戰，與金溥聰辭職不幹秘書長，其實是同一回事。當大局到此地步，任何人都有撐不住的可能性；王昱婷如此，金溥聰又何嘗不是？

金溥聰與王昱婷的困境，其實反映了整個國民黨的困境。大致可分兩個層面：一在黨政高層，一在社會基層。就黨政高層言，當前顯得較具成效者似乎只有兩岸政策一項，但也有「傾中賣台」的批評；至於其他政務，則時生爭議，如關中之處理十八％，及金溥聰之處理王昱婷，率皆自以為是，卻與社會觀感完全脫節；又由於黨政的操作能力的問題，十八％使軍公教深覺委屈，亦增添了平民百姓的相對剝奪感，健保又惹毛了中產階級，選舉則搞火了地方派系，因而社會基層也告鬆動。這樣的態勢，在上層有治理失能的問題，在下有選舉失利的問題；王昱婷因此拒戰，金溥聰豈不也告「拒戰」？

試想，黨秘書長金溥聰在高雄立委補選竟到了提名徐慶煌的地步，而在台南又叫不動王昱婷及高思博，其心中的「悲憤」可想而知。但是，惱羞成怒卻不是辦法；輿論並不認為金溥聰不應徵召王昱婷，而是認為他的善後太離譜。問題是：必須找到改善上層治理能力及基層選舉紐帶的方案。

金溥聰可能回到馬英九的選舉團隊，這也許始是適才適所的歸宿。在選舉團隊中，他可以屏擋一切他不想理會的人與事，只消專心與幾名智囊與廣告才子周旋即可；這一年一個月以來，他原應是「調和鼎鼐」的秘書長，竟把自己變成了眾矢之的。他走得似乎求仁得仁，但如何對得起曾對他寄以厚望的馬英九。

馬英九的願景正確，心地相對良善，操守廉潔；且如今兩岸局勢打開，經濟已見好轉，照理說應是蔗境彌甘；但他的黨政團隊主要卻是害在溝通與連結的失敗。仍以眼前兩件事為例：關中竟不自知他的「大嘴巴」闖了什麼禍，金溥聰恐亦以自己不甘流俗的傲骨俠情為榮。二人之病，皆在溝通與連結的問題。也許這不能說是「自我感覺良好」，但至少是對政治氛圍及政治效果的感應大有問題。

金溥聰也許反映了國民黨現在的一個極端的典型。政治操作講究剛柔並濟、軟硬兼施、奇正互用；但金小刀的風格卻似乎是向一端傾斜，好像只要覺得自己站得住腳，卻沒想到體制運作及社會溝通是另一回事。且秘書長原應使黨主席無後顧之憂為職責，如今卻丟下了這個難以收拾的攤子；秘書長亦原應以和光同塵為能事，現在卻似乎搞得黨內界際分明。這應不是馬英九和金溥聰想要見到的場景，只能說在黨秘書長這個任命上，二人因誤會而結合，因了解而分手。

其實，以金溥聰的犀利及異質，確曾使社會期盼他能改造過去國民黨「和稀泥」的文化；卻未料，他不和稀泥，但也找不到取代稀泥的磚石。可見，政治操作固然須有大刀闊斧、披荊斬棘的「開山刀」，也應有堆砌修葺、慢工出細活的「鏝刀」。

難為廖了以了。王昱婷可以拒戰，金溥聰可以撂挑子，但廖了以卻必須臨危受命。然而，馬英九黨政團隊在上層的治理能力及在下層的社會紐帶若不改善，這副擔子恐怕只會愈挑愈重。