Obama's Anxiety: Another Sputnik Moment

Obama's Anxiety: Another Sputnik Moment
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
January 29, 2011

President Obama has just delivered his 2011 State of the Union Address. It was the first time in history that a US president openly expressed so much anxiety. He said that a half century ago, when the Soviet Union launched Sputnik, the first artificial satellite in history, it shocked America. Eventually America put a man on the moon, surpassing the Soviet Union. Obama said that America is now experiencing yet another "Sputnik moment."

When Obama speaks of America's current Sputnik moment, he is referring to the emergence of Mainland China and India. They have changed the rules of the global economic game. Mainland China and India present a challenge to the US. According to Obama, America can meet this challenge only if political parties set aside their differences and work together. His declaration has an underlying theme, namely, how can America, which is proud of its multiparty democracy, emerge victorious over Mainland China and India?

America is in decline. This is the subtext of Obama's State of the Union address. In his address, Obama mentioned Mainland China four times. He spoke of its rapid progress in education, technology, and infrastructure. He reminded the American people that they must not fall behind. He said South Korean households have more convenient Internet access than those in the United States. Europe and Russia have surpassed the US in terms of investment in roads and railways. Mainland China is building faster trains and upgrading its airports. Even the world's fastest computers are made in Mainland China. To Obama, the fact that South Korea's educational system had surpassed that of America's. To Obama, this constitutes today's Sputnik moment.

Never before has an American president's State of the Union Address betrayed such intense anxiety. Members of the U.S. House of Representatives responded to the Sputnik moment. For the first time in history, they seated themselves in Congress without regard for party affiliation. Together, they listened to Obama's State of the Union Address. In the past, Democrats and Republicans invariably sat on opposite sides of the aisle, according to party affiliation. When the president delivered his address, the ruling party would give him a standing ovation. The opposition party would remain silent and seated. But after the shooting in Tucson, champions of a centrist "third way" suggested that the two parties sit together without regard for party affiliation during State of the Union Addresses, in response to public expectations for bipartisan cooperation. This was a first. No one knows whether there will be second.

America's national power is in decline. The tea party has escalated the politics of hate, increasing public anxiety. To Obama and some Americans, this has already undermined America's chances of "winning the future."

Obama said that the ruling and opposition parties should compete on the basis of mutual respect. But governing the nation is the shared responsibility of all parties. When Obama referred to China for the fifth time, he did not do so by name. He said some countries don't need to hold political debates. If the central government wants a railroad, they build a railroad, no matter how many homes get bulldozed. If they don't want a bad story in the newspaper, it doesn't get written.

Obama compared the two systems, revealing mixed feelings. On the one hand, he said "As contentious and frustrating and messy as our democracy can sometimes be, I know there isn't a person here who would trade places with any other nation on Earth."

Barak Obama's anxieties echo Francis Fukuyama's. Francis Fukuyama's famous "End of History" thesis argues that liberal democracy is the final form of human government. It will never be surpassed because it is the end of history as such. More recently however, he expressed concern over the state of democracy in America. The United States is mired in partisan power struggles, No one knows how to respond to the "Sputnik moment." Mainland China meanwhile, relies on Hu Jintao's "socialism with special characteristics" to launch its own Sputniks.

This is America's problem. This is the problem faced by human civilization. Years ago, the Soviets launched Sputnik. But Sputnik failed to save the Soviet Union's doomed political and economic system. As Obama noted, no one in a liberal democracy "would trade places with any other nation on Earth." They are unwilling to do so, even in the face of another Sputnik. But is a liberal democracy doomed? Must it remain mired in Republican vs. Democrat partisan political struggles, or be subjected to tea party style politics? Is it doomed to lose against "socialism with special characteristics?"

Members of congress may have sat together for an evening without regard for party affiliation. But how will America's democracy confront the current Sputnik moment? Americans are watching, The rest of the world is watching as well. Because America's democracy is a grand experiment, and human civilization is an even grander experiment.

歐巴馬的焦慮：現在的史潑尼克時刻
【聯合報╱社論】 2011.01.29

美國總統歐巴馬的二○一一年國情咨文，可謂是一篇歷來首次露骨地顯示美國強烈焦慮感的總統咨文。他說，半世紀前，蘇聯發射史上首枚「史潑尼克」人造衛星（Sputnik），震驚了美國，最後美國以首先登陸月球超越了蘇聯。歐巴馬說：現在正是美國這個時代的「史潑尼克時刻」。

歐巴馬口中的「現在的史潑尼克」，指的是正在崛起的中國與印度，以及「已經改變的世界經濟規則」；至於因應這「中國印度尼克」的方法，歐巴馬指出，美國面對的問題與挑戰，只有在所有政黨撇開政爭戰火，群策群力，才能解決。這篇咨文隱約有一主軸，那就是：如何以美國引以為榮的政黨民主制度，去勝過中國、印度這些新興強權。

美國正在衰退，這是此篇國情咨文取名「贏向未來」的潛台詞。歐巴馬在演說中四次提到中國在教育、科技、基礎設施等方面的快速發展，提醒美國人民不能落後。他又說，南韓家庭上網比美國更方便，歐洲及俄羅斯在公路和鐵路方面的投資超越美國，中國正在建造更快的火車和更新的機場，連全球最快的電腦也落在中國。在歐巴馬眼中，南韓的教育體制也優於美國。這就是歐巴馬描繪的「現在的史潑尼克時刻」。

未曾有過一篇美國總統咨文，流露出如此強烈的焦慮感。相對於此種「現在的史潑尼克震撼」，美國眾議院首次以兩黨議員在議場混坐，共同聽取歐巴馬總統的新年國情咨文。一向以來，民主共和兩黨各據議場一邊，象驢分明；總統宣讀咨文，執政黨的一半起立鼓掌，反對黨的一半面無表情地坐著不動。但在土桑槍擊事件後，中間團體「第三條路」建議在國情咨文之夜兩黨混坐，以回應美國社會對政黨合作的期待。這是第一次，但不知有否下一次。

美國國勢衰退，與茶黨掀高的仇恨政爭同為引起焦慮的嚴肅問題；在歐巴馬及有些美國人眼中，這已威脅到美國能否「贏得未來」。

歐巴馬說，朝野政黨應當相互尊重據理力爭，但治國則是各政黨的共同責任。在咨文中，歐巴馬第五次提及中國，卻未點名，他說：「有些國家沒有這個問題（政黨爭論），中央政府要開一條鐵路就能開成，不管要剷平多少住家；如果不希望壞消息見報，就不會有人寫。」

接著，歐巴馬似乎說出了他對兩種制度對比的兩種矛盾感受：一方面，他有些憂心而指出「雖然美國民主有時可能讓人感到混亂與挫折」；另一方面，他也表達了自信與堅持而說：「但沒有人會想和其他國家交換制度。」

歐巴馬的焦慮與福山的焦慮可以相互印證。福山以「歷史終結論」知名，謂民主自由是人類文明的最高境界，此後不可能有超越者，故而歷史至此已告終結；近年他卻對美國民主體制的表現深以為憂。在美國陷於黨爭，而不知能否正確有效回應「現在的史潑尼克」的時候；中國卻恃其「社會主義體制的特點與優勢」（胡錦濤語），大放其「史潑尼克」。

這是美國的難題，甚至也反映了整個人類文明的難題。蘇聯當年領先發射「史潑尼克」，但「史潑尼克」的紀錄卻不能改變後來蘇聯整體政經體制的傾覆。正如歐巴馬所說，在自由民主體制下的人民，「沒有人願與其他國家交換制度」；即使面對「現在的史潑尼克」，也不願意。但是，難道民主自由體制，就一定要走上「象驢分明」或「茶黨模式」，而注定就不能勝過「社會主義體制的特點與優勢」嗎？

經過一夜混坐的美國民主體制，如何面對這個「現在的史潑尼克時刻」；不但美國人在看，全世界也在看。因為，這不僅是美國民主體制的大試煉，也是人類歷史文明的大試煉！