Refusal to Recognize the 1992 Consensus Means No Dialogue with Mainland

Refusal to Recognize the 1992 Consensus Means No Dialogue with Mainland
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
November 24, 2011

Summary: The American Chamber of Commerce has just held its Annual Meeting. It extended special invitations to the ruling and opposition party presidential candidates, and gave them each the opportunity to speak. President Ma Ying-jeou and DPP Chairman Tsai Ing-wen restated their hopes vis a vis Taipei/Washington relations. Cross-Strait relations has long been one of Washington's foremost concerns. It received the most attention.

Full Text Below:

The American Chamber of Commerce has just held its Annual Meeting. It extended special invitations to the ruling and opposition party presidential candidates, and gave them each the opportunity to speak. President Ma Ying-jeou and DPP Chairman Tsai Ing-wen restated their hopes vis a vis Taipei/Washington relations. Cross-Strait relations has long been one of Washington's foremost concerns. It received the most attention.

During its eight years in office, the DPP government raised tensions in the Taiwan Strait. The Ma administration has been in office just over three years. It has eased cross-Strait tensions and significantly improved cross-Strait relations. Once again, the Republic of China is holding a presidential election. Once again, cross-Strait relations are in jeopardy. Four years ago, Ma won the 2008 presidential election. Taipei held a series of talks with Washington. Washington then gave Ma Ying-jeou its seal of approval. It concluded Ma Ying-jeou would not be a trouble maker. It concluded he would not spring any unwelcome surprises. Cross-Strait relations under the Ma administration have improved dramatically. Washington has offered its encouragement. This is why when Ma Ying-jeou gave his speech, he stressed that upon reelection he would promote cross-Strait trade liberalization. He listened to Washington's friendly advice. That is why he was able to make everyone happy.

By contrast, Washington is deeply concerned about the Democratic Progressive Party returning to power. Would it once again provoke cross-Strait tensions? Tsai Ing-wen is no stranger to our friends in Washington. According to WikiLeaks, the AIT has long been aware of Tsai Ing-wen's rise to power. Tsai Ing-wen took over the party chairmanship when the DPP lost power and was at its nadir. At first Washington doubted her ability to lead the DPP. Later Washington acknowledged it. But when it comes to cross-Strait policy, Washington has long been concerned about Tsai Ing-wen. It wonders. Can she can be trusted? More importantly, it wonders whether the DPP, under Tsai Ing-wen's leadership, can change its behavior? Can Tsai really do what she claims? Bring stability to cross-Strait relations?

When Tsai Ing-wen gave her speech, she argued that since the 2008 second change in ruling parties, relations between Taipei and Beijing have improved faster than relations between Taipei and Washington. She argued that this discrepancy must be addressed. This said this would be her first foreign relations objective in the event she was elected. The Ma administration has improved cross-Strait relations. But it has also reminded Washington that it must strengthen relations with Taipei. Only then can Washington exert leverage in cross-Strait relations. Washington understands this. That is why the AIT sent a message to the State Department, detailing the many ways Taipei can work with Washington to avoid the gradual marginalization of its influence in the Taiwan Strait.

Put bluntly, cross-Strait relations and the Taiwan Strait situation have changed. Washington cannot go back to doing what it did during Ah-Bian's eight years in power. Washington was repeatedly forced to reign Ah-Bian in. The ruling DPP became a constant headache. Tsai Ing-wen needs to understand that improved cross-Strait relations are essential to improved Taipei/Washington relations. Tsai Ing-wen says Taipei seeks a role in the "new strategic partnership." If so, she must not undermine cross-Strait relations.

When Tsai Ing-wen gave her speech, she said if the DPP returns to power, it would strive to maintain peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. She said the DPP would make every effort to reduce conflict. It would establish post-election dialogue and interaction. for the sake of Taiwan's long-term interests. She said her cross-Strait policy would be to build consensus, rather than increase partisanship. She would never use cross-Strait issues as an election tool. Upon winning, she would do everything in her power to reduce conflict. She would actively seek dialogue, beginning with the transfer of power, in order to maintain stable cross-Strait relations.

This all sounds wonderful. But hollow rhetoric will never improve cross-Strait relations. Neither will seeking dialogue only after an election victory. The KMT was out of power for eight years. At no time did it cease cross-Strait dialogue. Honorary KMT Chairman Lien Chan visited the Mainland in 2005. The Lien/Hu Summit reached the 1992 Consensus. It shelved disputes and offered five prospects for the future. In March 2008, following the KMT's election victory, Ma Ying-jeou dispatched Vice President-elect Vincent Siew to the Boao Forum for Asia on Hainan Island. This move was a gesture of goodwill that ensured cross-Strait trust and established a basis for cross-Strait dialogue. All these measures enabled the Ma administration to resume consultations a mere six months after taking office.

Beijing's Taiwan Affairs Office Director recently mentioned cross-Strait relations. He said the 1992 Consensus must not be denied, Cross-Strait relations must not be turned back. Peace in the Taiwan Strait must not be lost. The welfare of compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Strait must not be destroyed. The DPP has long denied the 1992 Consensus. It has long cast a jaundiced eye on improved cross-Strait relations. How can the DPP possibly establish dialogue and build trust? The Ma administration has been in office for just over three years. The two sides have signed 16 cross-Strait agreements based on the 1992 Consensus. Do the DPP and Tsai Ing-wen really intend to abrogate them?

The two sides were cut off from each other for half a century. Liberalization was followed by many twists and turns. The peace and stability we enjoy today was hard won. Those in power must care enough to consolidate and expand them these gains, Only then can they further the interests of both sides of the Strait. Only then can they further the long-term interests of everyone on Taiwan. If Tsai Ing-wen wants the DPP to return to power, she will have to do more than offer empty promises. She will have to offer the people concrete policies.

社論－不承認「九二共識」 如何與大陸有效對話
2011-11-24
中國時報
【本報訊】

美國商會年度會員大會，特別邀請朝野總統候選人發表演說。馬英九總統與民進黨主席蔡英文除了重申他們對台美關係的努力與期待，著墨最多的就是兩岸關係，這也是美方長久以來最關切的議題之一。

特別在民進黨扁政府執政八年造成台海情勢緊張，而馬政府就任三年多，兩岸關係有效和緩並顯著進展後，台灣再一次總統大選，兩岸關係無可避免將再一次面對挑戰。四年前馬英九參選二○○八年總統大選前後，台美多次溝通，美方對馬英九寄予正面肯定，相信馬英九不但不會是「麻煩製造者」，甚至不會是「驚奇製造者」，兩岸關係在馬政府主導下，持續積極正面發展，美方對此也持鼓勵的態度。這也是為什麼當馬英九在演講中強調，他上任後推動兩岸貿易及台灣對外開放，正是聽取美方友人建言，能博得滿堂采的原因。

相對的，美方更高度關切民進黨若重返執政，是否將再造成兩岸動盪。對美國友人而言，蔡英文並不陌生；根據維基解密，ＡＩＴ從很早就開始注意蔡英文的崛起，對於蔡英文能在民進黨失去政權最低迷的時刻接任黨主席，從懷疑她的信心與能力到肯定她已經可以從容領導民進黨。然而，在兩岸政策上，美方顧慮的不只是蔡英文是否值得信賴；更重要的，蔡英文領導的民進黨是否能改變過去的作風，確實做到她口中聲言的穩定兩岸關係。

蔡英文演講中強調，自二○○八年第二次政黨輪替迄今，台灣和中國關係的發展速度超過台美關係，她認為這種不平衡的發展必須有力及有效的調整，這是她當選總統後首要的對外工作目標。事實上，馬政府在改善兩岸關係的同時，同樣反覆提醒美方：必須強化對台關係，才能在兩岸關係中扮演重要的槓桿角色。而美方對此也有相當深刻的體認，ＡＩＴ才會在回報國務院的電文中，條列多項台美關係可發展的具體工作，以避免美國在台海區域的影響力逐漸消褪。

說穿了，美國在兩岸關係與台海形勢變化發展的過程中，維護的還是美國利益，不可能如扁執政八年，一而再、再而三的拉警報，讓美方頭痛不堪。蔡英文必須了解，改善兩岸關係其實正是強化台美關係不可或缺的面向之一。台灣既要扮演蔡英文口中的「新策略夥伴關係」，就不可能在兩岸關係上找麻煩。

蔡英文在演講中特別強調，民進黨重返執政後，將致力維持台海和平及兩岸關係的穩定，民進黨會盡全力降低衝突，營造選後對話與互動的可能。為了台灣的長遠利益，她對兩岸政策的做法，就是建立共識，而非以黨派之見分化台灣，絕不會把兩岸議題當成選戰工具；勝選之後，她將竭盡所能降低衝突，從政權轉移期間開始，即會積極尋求對話，以維持兩岸關係穩定。

這段話講得非常漂亮；但是，兩岸關係的改善和發展，絕對不是空口說白話、甚至勝選後才積極尋求對話，可以達到的。國民黨在野八年期間，無一刻放鬆兩岸對話的管道。國民黨榮譽主席連戰在二○○五年訪問大陸，「連胡會」達成以「九二共識」擱置爭議等五項願景；二○○八年三月勝選後，馬英九旋即拍板由副總統當選人蕭萬長親赴海南參與博鰲亞洲論壇，確保兩岸善意與信賴的對話基礎。凡此種種，才能讓馬政府就任後半年內就促成兩岸兩會重啟協商。

國台辦主任日前提到兩岸關係時，特別提到：「九二共識」不容否認、兩岸關係不容倒退、台海和平不容得而復失、兩岸同胞福祉不容遭到破壞。民進黨卻始終否認九二共識，對兩岸關係的發展總是採取強烈懷疑和批評的態度，如何能建立有效的對話互信基礎？馬政府執政三年多，兩岸兩會簽署的十六項協議都是以「九二共識」為基礎，難道民進黨和蔡英文要全面否定嗎？

兩岸關係長期隔絕半世紀，開放交流後仍波折不斷，好不容易走到和平穩定發展的今日，執政者必須心心念念予以鞏固並進一步拓展，這才合乎兩岸的共同利益、台灣的長遠利益。既要重返執政，蔡英文就得拿出具體做法和行動。