Tuesday, November 22, 2011

A Single Wheelchair Empowers the Disenfranchised

A Single Wheelchair Empowers the Disenfranchised
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
November 22, 2011

Summary: The KMT's list of nominees for legislator without portfolio has been well received. Members of the public are impressed with the candidates' qualifications and appreciate the KMT's willingness to share power. They feel the KMT's move will have a positive impact on the Blue Camp's election prospects. Quantitative change can indeed bring qualitative change. The KMT's list of nominees for legislator without portfolio enhanced the Blue Camp's image. More importantly, by drawing upon the talents of respected experts from all walks of society, it may broaden the government's policy-making horizons.

Full Text Below:

The KMT's list of nominees for legislator without portfolio has been well received. Members of the public are impressed with the candidates' qualifications and appreciate the KMT's willingness to share power. They feel the KMT's move will have a positive impact on the Blue Camp's election prospects. Quantitative change can indeed bring qualitative change. The KMT's list of nominees for legislator without portfolio enhanced the Blue Camp's image. More importantly, by drawing upon the talents of respected experts from all walks of society, it may broaden the government's policy-making horizons. Evidence of this can be seen in increased subsidies for elderly farmers and eight major social welfare programs.

Yang Yu-hsin is number four on the Blue Camp's list of nominees for legislator without portfolio, Yang Yu-hsin, known as the "Angel of Patients with Rare Diseases," has urged the KMT to perform an about face. She wants to increase subsidies for elderly farmers. She also wants to increase subsidies for eight major social welfare programs. The Ma administration has gone along with her, partly to extricate itself from a political jam. The Democratic Progressive Party is ridiculing the KMT's about face as "me too policy." But actually the KMT's willingness to increase subsidies for eight major social welfare programs merely underscores how hypocritical and opportunistic the Green Camp has been pandering to the farm vote. It merely underscores the extent to which the Green Camp has neglected other disadvantaged segments of society. Subsidies for the physically and mentally handicapped have not been increased in seven years. Subsidies for low and middle-income seniors and children have not been increased in 15 years. Why did it never occur to the DPP to fight for their rights all that time? And why did the DPP single out elderly farmers?

The subsidies for elderly farmers controversy is a tangled mess. But Yang Yu-hsin viewed the issue from her wheelchair and saw it with perfect clarity. When people are old and sick, the only thing they can count on is a helping hand from the government. Subsidies for elderly farmers have been increased a mere 316 dollars. This increase may be inadequate. But elderly farmers are hardly alone. Every segment of society has handicapped patients and poor families. They too need government assistance. Yang Yu-hsin spoke from her wheelchair. She forced the ruling and opposition parties to shift the focus of their debate from 700,000 elderly farmers to 2.18 million disadvantaged members of society. She untangled the issue and showed the ruling party how to respond.

Consider the change. The KMT is willing to empower disenfranchised segments of society. It is recruiting respected experts and making them candidates for legislator without portfolio. On the one hand, it is improving its image within society. On the other hand, by empowering these experts, it is seeking improved solutions to the problems plaguing society. It is making subsidies for disenfranchised members of society more equitable. It is caring for previously neglected segments of society. What can the opposition DPP do but agree? How can it possibly object? Such an aggressive and novel policy development is rare on Taiwan, and suggests a new, virtuous circle on Taiwan's political stage.

Yang Yu-hsin described what it was like to sit in a wheelchair. She described how she constantly had to look up to dialogue with normal people. The day she was nominated, President Ma met with her and other social welfare groups. He made a point of bending down while talking to her. Yang Yu-hsin was deeply moved. To her way of thinking, the President was willing to lower himself to her level in order to hear what a spokesperson for disenfranchised members of society had to say. This was far from typical. From another perspective, Yang Yu-hsin made her debut as the first handicapped nominee for legislator without portfolio. She succeeded in changing social welfare policy. She benefitted over 2 million disadvantaged members of society. She elevated the debate about how these disadvantaged members of society are treated to a higher plane. The important point was not that the President lowered himself to her level. The important point was that society lowered itself to her level. Suddenly we viewed the world from the perspective of someone in a wheelchair. We adopted an all too rare attitude of humility towards the more vulnerable members of society.

One point in particular deserves mention. The champions of the disadvantaged nominated by the KMT are not your usual political activist types. They are salt of the earth workers from the grass roots. The KMT's "low political coloration" approach should have a positive effect on policy-making and legislation on Taiwan. Take Yang Yu-hsin for example. She may be the Secretary General for the Taiwan Association for Disadvantaged Patients. But her compassion is not confined to those afflicted with rare diseases. She has spoken out for elderly farmers, middle and low income individuals, in addition to the handicapped. In other words, she may be a spokesperson for certain disadvantaged social groups, but she shows no bias toward any particular organization or any particular party, merely because they nominated her. Given Yang Yu-hsin's ranking among the nominees, she is certain to become one of the new legislators without portfolio. She is someone who can transcend Blue vs. Green political struggle. The legislature needs new exemplars. She can help rid Taiwan of vicious political struggles between the ruling and opposition parties.

People who have been in politics most of their lives unwittingly fall victim to behavioral inertia. Even members of the general public are vulnerable. They find it impossible to escape their mental ruts. Subsidies for elderly farmers and subsidies for eight major social welfare programs have been increased. Yang Yu-hsin has helped the Ma administration cut this Gordian Knot. One could say that a single wheelchair has changed the way people view the problem. Lowering oneself to another person's level can help eliminate blind spots, and enable one to see better. If a legislator without portfolio can create a "win/win/win" situation for Taiwan, that will be something we can truly look forward to.

一張輪椅 改變弱勢對話的高度
【聯合報╱社論】
2011.11.22 02:40 am

國民黨的不分區立委提名受到好評,一般人肯定其廣納各界賢德、分享權力,認為對藍營選情有加分作用。事實是,量變可以帶來質變,不分區提名的「公共化」非但幫助藍營提升形象,更重要的是透過各界專業人士的參與,可以擴大政府的決策視野。此一效果,從老農及八大社福津貼的調整,已見到了端倪。

由於列名藍營不分區第四的「罕病天使」楊玉欣的建言,國民黨政策大轉彎,調高了老農津貼加碼,也同步調整了八大社福津貼。馬政府此舉,固有為選情解套的用意,民進黨且譏之為「拿香跟拜」;事實上,八大社福津貼同步擴大調整,恰恰反證了綠營操作農民選票之矯情與投機,對其他弱勢卻缺乏關注。試想,身心障礙者生活津貼七年未曾調整,中低收入老人及兒少津貼則十五年以上未調,民進黨為何從不曾想過為他們爭取權益,卻獨沽老農一味?

老農津貼這項糾纏,從楊玉欣坐在輪椅上的高度,卻看得更為真切。人在老弱病殘的脆弱時刻,只能仰賴國家的手,老農津貼僅調高三一六元或許太少;然而,不只老農,社會各角落都有殘障病友和貧困家庭,他們也一樣需要政府照護。楊玉欣的一席發言,將朝野原本爭執的焦點,從七十萬老農導向更廣泛的兩百十八萬弱勢,執政黨的決策糾結也因此豁然開朗。

我們看這一連串變化:國民黨願意把權力向社會開放,引進形象良好的專業人士進入不分區,一則改善了自己的形象,也透過這些專業者的眼睛找到了解決問題的更佳方式。如此一來,不僅使弱勢津貼的發放更臻公平,也顧及了許多平日受到疏忽的層面;而反對黨對此也只能表示贊同,無話可說。這樣的決策演變,是近年台灣政治上少見的積極、有新意的良性循環。

楊玉欣形容一個自己坐在輪椅中的感覺,是必須時時伸頸仰望,才能和一般人正常交談對話。獲得提名那天,馬總統約見她和其他社福團體,特別蹲下來和她交談,讓楊玉欣覺得深受感動。在她的想法,總統願意放低姿態傾聽弱勢者,是不平常的事;但換個角度看,楊玉欣以一個首度登板的不分區弱勢代表初試啼聲,不僅成功改變了一項社福決策,造福兩百多萬弱勢,也改變了弱勢與社會對話的高度。重要的不是總統蹲下傾聽,而是整個社會學到了放低身姿,從一張輪椅的高度來調整自己的視界,謙卑對待我們鮮少注視的弱者。

值得一提的是,這次國民黨提名的弱勢代表,並非平素在政治上活躍的社運人士,而是勤耕基層型的社服工作者。這種「低政治性」的取向,對台灣日後的決策及立法工作,也應可以產生更多正向的融合作用。以楊玉欣為例,她雖身為弱勢病患權益促進會秘書長,但她的關注對象卻不僅限於罕病問題;她不僅主動挺身為老農發聲,甚至積極為中低所得、身心障礙者請命。亦即,她對自己為弱勢代言的角色掌握得體,完全不因自己隸屬團體或政黨提名而摻雜特定偏向。以楊玉欣的排名,她必然會成為下屆新科立委,而這類能超越藍綠的人物,不僅是我們國會需要的新典型,也是台灣政治擺脫朝野惡鬥走向共同價值的重要動力。

長期從政的人,往往累積許多行為慣性而不自覺;即連一般社會大眾,也常受制於既有經驗,而跳不出思維的窠臼。這次老農和八大社福津貼的轉彎,與其說是楊玉欣為馬政府「解套」,不如說是一張輪椅改變了人們看待問題的態度:放低姿態,反而能消除盲點,看得更高。如果一個弱勢不分區代表能為台灣帶來如此「三贏」的改變,我們應該還有更多可以期待。

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