Comrades Still Treat Each Other This Way

Comrades Still Treat Each Other This Way
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
May 10, 2012

Summary: When the Democratic Progressive Party held its 2012 presidential primaries, the Tsai Ing-wen faction called on party members to "Support Tsai Ing-wen and Tsai Ing-wen alone." It accused Su Tseng-chang of supporting the KMT's mobilization of farm associations. Su was forced to call a press conference to defend himself. "We are all members of the same party. Comrades should not treat each other this way!" Su Tseng-chang later lost to Tsai Ing-wen. Should comrades treat each other this way? Perhaps not. But what are you going to do about it?

Full Text below:

When the Democratic Progressive Party held its 2012 presidential primaries, the Tsai Ing-wen faction called on party members to "Support Tsai Ing-wen and Tsai Ing-wen alone." It accused Su Tseng-chang of supporting the KMT's mobilization of farm associations. Su was forced to call a press conference to defend himself. "We are all members of the same party. Comrades should not treat each other this way!" Su Tseng-chang later lost to Tsai Ing-wen.

History is repeating itself. The current DPP party chairmanship election has become a dress rehearsal for the 2016 presidential election. Rival factions have already begun attacking Su Tseng-chang. Supporters of Tsai Ing-wen are using harsh language in their attacks against him. Every word draws blood. Su Tseng-chang said "Comrades should not treat each other this way." But comrades are treating each other this way. This time the danger to Su is even greater than before.

Su Tseng-chang suddenly finds himself besieged on all sides. Some criticize Su's style and image. Hsu Hsin-liang accuses Su of "failing to assume responsibility" by turning down the party chairmanship in 2008. Trong Chai accuses Su of "nominating himself" during the Taipei mayoral election. He says Su's transgression warrants expulsion from the party. Meanwhile others question Su's political stance. Yao Chia-wen accuses him of being insufficiently "Taiwan-centric" or "pro-Taiwan independence." The Chen Shui-bian faction even says if Su becomes party chairman the One Country Each Side Connection may split and form its own party. Koo Kuan-min bluntly proclaimed, "Mr. Su, I disapprove of your candidacy!"

This powerful wave of "Topple Su" sentiment may represent the most intense infighting within the Green Camp since the "Condemn Kang Ning-hsiang" campaign in 1983. It may be more intense than the infighting that ensued when Hsu Hsin-liang and Shih Ming-teh were expelled. This wave of infighting involves an ideological struggle over the party's political path. over whether to pardon Chen Shui-bian, and over unresolved difference between Su and Hsieh. More importantly, it is inextricably linked with the 2016 "Su vs. Tsai Rematch." For the factions involved it amounts o all out war.

Su Tseng-chang has decided to run for party chairman. He made a conspicuous attempt to ensure a seat for himself. He hopes to use the power of the party chairmanship to manage the situation. Who knew the tide would turn against him? Even if he is elected party chairman he is likely to become a target for all parties. He has become the storm center within the party. If Su Tseng-chang cannot become the universally acknowledged leader of the party, he is likely to become the universally acknowledged enemy of the party. The main reason? Su Tseng-chang has set his sights on the 2016 presidential election. Meanwhile support within the party for a Tsai Ing-wen candidacy in 2016 is growing. If Su Tseng-chang becomes party chairman, Tsai Ing-wen's supporters will see that as a roadblock.

Among the party nomenklatura, Su Tseng-chang has become "a rat crossing the street," i.e., a whipping boy. But at the party membership level he still has enough support to win the party chairmanship. If he is elected party chairman however, he will immediately face a serious rift within the DPP. If he wants to heal the rift, he must mollify all the factions. Otherwise all hope of transforming the party will be lost. Will infighting erupt? How severe will it be? This is all up to others. This is all beyond Su Tseng-chang's control. When infighting erupts, the tree may wish to remain still, but the wind will continue to blow. Suppose Su is determined to enter the 2016 presidential race? His opponents will insist on Tsai Ing-wen. Unless one side yields, the internal struggle will intensify, until it is totally out of control.

This is the crisis the DPP faces in 2016. DPP leaders must put out the fires before the party chairmanship election. If they wait until the election results are announced, it will be too late to do anything about it. Consider one option. Su Tseng-chang announces that he will not run for president in 2016. Consider another option. The anti-Su and pro-Su factions reach an accord, and Su becomes party chairman. Otherwise, if Su is elected party chairman. then sets his sights on 2016, supporters of Tsai Ing-wen will refuse to yield. That would mark the beginning of a four year long Su vs. Tsai battle for the party's presidential nomination. The polls for the party chairmanship election open on May 27. The consequences are frightening to imagine.

The best way the Democratic Progressive Party can help itself, is to undergo reform and transformation. Unfortunately it is caught in a power struggle between Su Tseng-chang and Tsai Ing-wen. Apparently Su has been demonized all out of proportion. Tsai has been deified all out of proportion. Predictably this power struggle has increased factional tensions to the limit. It is certain to undermine reform and transformation. If Su Tseng-chang is elected party chairman, Tsai supporters will demand that he endorse Tsai Ing-wen's cross-Strait policy. If the anti-Su forces can unite the party behind a single candidate, Taiwan independence hardliners and those who support exchanges may create a deadlock difficult to break. Ironically "transformation" has become a bargaining chip in the power struggle. It is now difficult to hold high expectations for the DPP. The Su vs. Cai power struggle has underscored this point, This bodes ill for reform.

Should comrades treat each other this way? Perhaps not. But what are you going to do about it?
  
同黨的還是這樣搞
【聯合報╱社論】
2012.05.10 02:49 am

民進黨二○一二總統候選人黨內初選期間，蔡英文方面操作「唯一支持蔡英文」，又指蘇貞昌獲國民黨動員農會系統輔選，逼得蘇在政見會上說：「大家都是同黨的，同黨的不要這樣搞！」後來，蘇貞昌敗給了蔡英文。

歷史在重演。如今，民進黨黨主席選舉儼然又成了二○一六總統選舉的序幕戰，各路人馬居然皆以蘇貞昌為攻擊對象，為蔡英文抬轎者對蘇的批評詞鋒之銳利，更已至刀刀見骨的地步。此情此景，對於蘇貞昌而言，可謂是「同黨的還是這樣搞」，其凶險更較前次猶有過之。

蘇貞昌陡然陷於四面楚歌之境。有人批評他的風格形象：許信良指他在二○○八拒絕出任黨主席，「沒有承當責任」；蔡同榮指他「自行參選／自行提名」為台北市長候選人，罪當開除黨籍。有人則質疑其政治立場：姚嘉文指他不是「台派，獨派」；陳水扁方面甚至放話稱，如果蘇當選黨主席，「一邊一國連線」可能組黨；辜寬敏則直說：「蘇先生，我不贊成你出來！」

這一股來勢洶洶的「倒蘇」風潮，可能將是一九八三年前後的「批康（寧祥）」以來，綠營最慘烈的內鬥，亦將更勝於逐出許信良及施明德的往事；因為，這股風潮蘊含著路線鬥爭、是否特赦陳水扁、蘇謝情結等因素，更重要的是，已與二○一六的「蘇蔡二次之爭」如麻花般糾纏在一起，難分難解，對於參與的各方皆是殊死一戰。

蘇貞昌決定參選黨主席，著眼在卡位，希望在掌握黨主席權位後可以操持情勢；不料，如今大勢逆轉，即或他當選了黨主席，也極可能成為各方的箭靶，反而成了黨內政潮的中心。蘇貞昌如果做不成黨內共主，就有可能成為黨內公敵。主因在於：蘇貞昌志在參選二○一六總統，但黨內擁護蔡英文再戰二○一六的聲音愈來愈大；蘇貞昌若出任黨主席，將被蔡英文的支持者視為擋路石。

此刻，蘇貞昌在黨內權力階層竟儼然已成過街老鼠，但他在黨員層次仍有贏得黨主席選舉的實力。不過，他若出任黨主席，必將立即面對一個嚴重分裂的民進黨；而他若欲對這個分裂的黨進行彌縫補罅，安撫各方，則一切轉型改革恐怕必告無望；何況，是否內鬥，及慘況如何，皆是操之在人，由不得蘇貞昌，屆時恐怕是樹欲停而風不止。因為，蘇若矢志參選二○一六總統，對方則非蔡英文不可，除非兩造有一方退讓，這場內鬥必是愈演愈烈，不可收拾。

這是民進黨面對二○一六的重大危機，必須在黨主席選前設法滅火，若待選舉揭曉就不易轉圜。可能方案之一，是蘇貞昌宣布不選二○一六總統；可能方案之二，是反蘇擁蔡者設法整合，贏得黨主席職位。否則，如果蘇當選了黨主席，且目標在二○一六，而擁蔡英文者不退讓，即不啻宣告一場將要歷時四年的蘇蔡總統候選人之爭，在五月二十七日黨主席投開票日開打，其後果實不堪想像。

目前民進黨最重要的自救之道是在改革與轉型，現在卻不幸陷於蘇貞昌及蔡英文的權力惡鬥之中。如今所見，蘇被不成比例地鬥臭、抹黑，蔡又被不成比例地美化與高估；已可預見，這場權力鬥爭，因為已使得派系的利害關係緊繃，必將影響改革轉型的空間。例如：蘇貞昌若當選黨主席，擁蔡者會吵著要他為蔡英文的兩岸政策背書；倘反蘇者能整合一人當選，則獨派與交流派的相互牽制亦不易解開。於是「轉型」反而成為用在「權力鬥爭」中討價還價的籌碼，也就難寄厚望了。對於民進黨而言，蘇蔡之爭激化至此，絕非改革轉型的吉兆。

但是，同黨的還是要這樣搞，嘸你嘜安納？