Taipei-Beijing Joint Participation in Regional Cooperation

Taipei-Beijing Joint Participation in Regional Cooperation
China Times News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
May 22, 2013

Summary: We have entered the post-Cold War era. The threat of global thermo-nuclear conflict has diminished. Regional conflicts however continue unabated in the Asian-Pacific region, in the Taiwan Strait, the South China Sea, and on the Korean Peninsula. These have long been seen as three of the most dangerous powder kegs. Cross-Strait reconciliation has eased the situation in the Taiwan Strait. But the situation in the South China Sea and the Korean Peninsula remain tense, and the threat of war looms.

Full Text below:

We have entered the post-Cold War era. The threat of global thermo-nuclear conflict has diminished. Regional conflicts however continue unabated in the Asian-Pacific region, in the Taiwan Strait, the South China Sea, and on the Korean Peninsula. These have long been seen as three of the most dangerous powder kegs. Cross-Strait reconciliation has eased the situation in the Taiwan Strait. But the situation in the South China Sea and the Korean Peninsula remain tense, and the threat of war looms.

The Chinese people love peace. Chinese culture emphasizes "yi de fu ren," i.e., "persuasion through moral example," rather than "yi li fu ren," i.e., "persuasion through physical coercion." Beijing Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited the ASEAN countries earlier this month. He said Beijing would work to make the South China Sea a "sea of peace, a sea of friendship, and a sea of co-operation." This proposal coincides with Taipei's "South China Sea Peace Initiative." Unfortunately not aggressing against others does not guarantee that others will not aggress against you. The Philippines murdered a Taiwanese fisherman in cold blood. Its behavior in the wake of the incident was outrageous. This reminds us that peace is not manna from heaven. It will not fall out of the sky and into our laps. It is something we must fight for, with both the carrot and the stick. through negotiations and through strength.

The two sides of the Strait have abided by the principle of "first economics, then politics." They have made the normalization of economic and trade relations a priority. Interaction between the two sides in the international arena touch on sensitive political issues. This has long mired the two sides in the "different interpretations" stage. But reality has underscored a simple fact. Cross-strait reconciliation has given the Ma administration's "flexible diplomacy" a boost. It has made it the first line of defense in our national security. Take relations with Japan. In President Ma Ying-jeou's eyes, Taipei-Tokyo relations are "the best they have been in 40 years." Cross-strait reconciliation played a major role in making that possible. There is no denying that Taiwan and Japan have a peculiar history. Polls show that many people on both sides feel good about the other. Many on Taiwan provided massive aid for Japanese earthquake victims. The Japanese people expressed heart-felt appreciation. But the Japanese government is not about to sacrifice its national interests to reciprocate. Japan, under pressure from realpolitik, has been running to "catch the bus." For example, Tokyo established diplomatic relations with Beijing before Washington. Ma Ying-jeou took office in 2008. Taipei-Tokyo relations have yielded significant results. But Tokyo felt it could not fall behind cross-strait reconciliation. To avoid that eventuality, it became more willing to reach out to Taipei.

Compared to Japan, the Philippines has misjudged the situation. It failed to accurately assess the repercussions of cross-strait reconciliation. The Philippines attempted to use the one China policy to undermine Taipei's legitimacy and weaken its bargaining position. But Beijing was hardly that gullible. Soon after the incident, Beijing strictly condemned the Philippines' barbaric act. It also strongly urged Manila to issue Taipei an apology. The international community sided almost unanimously with the Philippines. This expression of solidarity with Taiwan from the other side of the Strait, gave the people on Taiwan a shot in the arm.

Recently the Taipei-Manila diplomatic conflict and the North Korea crisis have heated up. This underscores the need for Taipei and Beijing to cooperate on regional issues, and engage in serious discussions.

With regards regional economic cooperation, the Doha Round multilateral trade negotiations have stalled. Regional economic integration has become the focus of every nation's trade policies. This is especially true of the East Asian region. The integrated ASEAN+N and bilateral free trade agreements model has accelerated economic cooperation. Among these, the ASEAN countries' regional economic partnerships (RCEP) and the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) are the most striking. Once integrated, this region will become the world's largest free trade zone, and will have the greatest impact on the global economic recovery.

Taiwan's experience with economic development should have become an asset to Asian regional economic integration. Unfortunately, being subject to the constraints of cross-Strait political relations, Taiwan failed to participate fully. Former Vice President Vincent Siew heads the Cross-Strait Common Market Foundation at the Boao Forum. Siew suggested that the two sides strengthen policy coordination and discuss economic strategies. He looks forward to joint participation in regional economic integration. He wants the two sides "to work together to their mutual benefit, common prosperity, and economic revitalization."

Siew's suggestion has received a positive response from CCP leaders. CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping, also in attendence, said, "The two sides can participate in timely and pragmatic discussions to promote shared economic development. They can seek appropriate and feasible means of achieving regional economic cooperation." Xi Jinping emphasized that "As long as the two sides consider the larger interests of the Chinese nation, we can overcome all difficulties and obstacles on the road ahead. We can continue to promote the peaceful development of cross-strait relations, and continue to achieve new goals."

Regarding cooperation over regional security, the situation in the Asian-Pacific region is rapidly changing. Security has become an important issue for all parties. All want the establishment of regional cooperative security mechanisms rooted in "common security" and "cooperative security." From either a geopolitical or geo-economic point of view, Taipei cannot remain outside the regional security cooperation process. Security includes traditional and non-traditional security. Both sides are already working together in the fight against crime, vaccinations, environmental protection, and other non-traditional security issues. Cooperation has yielded remarkable results. In the future they should also be able to take on traditional security issues, and test out different possibilities for cooperation.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2013.05.22
社論－共同參與區域合作 兩岸新課題
本報訊

    　進入後冷戰時代，世界核戰威脅降低，區域衝突卻有增無減。在亞太地區，台海、南海和朝鮮半島，曾被視為最具戰爭危險的三個爆炸點。如今，台海形勢因兩岸和解趨於緩和；南海和朝鮮半島情勢卻是劍拔弩張，布滿戰爭陰影。

    　中華民族愛好和平，中華文化強調「以德服人」，而非「以力服人」。中共外交部長王毅於本月初訪問東協國家時，特別指出中共將努力把南海建設成「和平之海、友誼之海和合作之海」。這個主張和我方的「東海和平倡議」不謀而合。但「我不犯人」，不能保證「人不犯我」。菲律賓這次對台灣漁民進行「冷血謀殺」，案發後又表現的如此蠻不講理，顯示和平不會是「天上掉下來的禮物」，必須軟硬兼施，用談判和實力去爭取。

    　兩岸本著「先經後政」的原則，把經貿關係正常化視為優先課題。至於雙方如何在國際舞台上互動，則因事涉敏感的政治議題，而始終停留在「各自表述」的階段。但事實顯示，作為我方國家安全戰略的「第一道防線」，兩岸和解巳成為馬政府推動「活路外交」的一項助力。以對日外交工作為例，台日關係能出現馬英九總統眼中「四十年來的最佳狀態」，兩岸和解即起了推波助瀾的作用。不容諱言，台灣和日本有其特殊的歷史淵源，民調顯示雙方民眾都對對方具有好感。台灣對於日本震災提供的巨額援助，令日本人民十分「有感」，但日本政府卻不會以犧牲國家利益來投桃報李。例如，日本當年就是在現實主義的考量下「趕搭巴士」，搶在美國之前與中共建交。二○○八年馬英九上任後，台日關係的取得重大成果，也是因為日方覺得不能落於兩岸和解形勢之後，認為在免於後顧之憂的情況下，可以在對台政策上有積極主動的作為。

    　與日本相較，菲律賓顯然錯估形勢，不能對兩岸和解的擴散效應作出正確判斷。菲國企圖拿「一個中國」政策作文章，削弱台灣與它談判的正當性。但中國大陸豈是省油的燈，怎會輕易上當。在事件發生後第一時間，北京就對菲國的野蠻行徑嚴加譴責，並強烈要求菲國向台灣道歉。相較於國際輿論對菲律賓的一意偏袒，來自對岸的上述表態，應讓台灣人民點滴在心頭。

    　最近台菲外交衝突和北韓局勢升溫，在在顯示兩岸應就區域合作課題，進行嚴肅的探討。

    　在區域經濟合作方面，由於「杜哈回合」（Doha Round）多邊貿易談判停滯不前，區域經濟整合已成為各國貿易政策的重心。尤其在東亞地區，透過「東協加Ｎ」及雙邊「自由貿易協定」的整合模式，各國紛紛加速彼此間的經濟合作。其中，以東協國家倡議的「區域廣泛經濟夥伴」（RCEP）和美國主導的「跨太平洋夥伴」（TPP）最引人注目。一般認為，一旦完成整合，這個地區將成為全球最大的經濟自由貿易區域，影響全球的經濟復甦腳步。

    　台灣的經濟發展經驗和價值，本應成為亞洲區域經濟整合的「資產」。遺憾的是，受到兩岸政治關係的掣肘，台灣一直未能正常地參與區域經濟整合活動。針對這點，代表兩岸共同市場基金會出席「博鰲論壇」的前副總統蕭萬長，建議兩岸應加強政策協調和經濟戰略的探討。期盼以共同參與區域經濟整合，讓雙方「攜手合作，互利共榮，振興中華。」

    　蕭萬長的說法得到中共領導人的正面回應。與會的中共總書記習近平表示：「兩岸可以適時務實探討經濟共同發展、區域經濟合作進程相銜接的適當方式和可行途徑。」習近平特別強調，「只要兩岸凡事都從中華民族整體利益考慮，就一定能克服前進道路上的各種困難和阻礙，推動兩岸關係和平發展不斷取得新成就。」

    　在區域安全合作方面，由於亞太地區形勢的急遽變化，安全問題已成為各方關切的重要議題，並且希望透過「共同安全」和「合作安全」的概念，建立地區合作安全機制。無論從地緣政治或地緣經濟角度看，台灣都不能自外於地區的安全合作進程。安全議題包括傳統安全和非傳統安全。兩岸已在打擊犯罪、防疫和環境保護等非傳統安全問題方面，取得顯著合作成果。未來也應針對傳統安全領域涉及的各項問題，嘗試進行不同形式合作的可能性。