Cross-Strait Titles: Tear up a Scrap of Paper, Move Ten Thousand Mountains

Cross-Strait Titles: Tear up a Scrap of Paper, Move Ten Thousand Mountains
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China)
A Translation
October 8, 2013

Summary: If Ma and Xi can meet next year, it will mean that the two sides have made a breakthrough. They can be sensible and reasonable regarding official titles, political authority, and political sovereignty. It will also mean that the two sides have already passed the point of no return. Ma and Xi must not forsake this historic opportunity. Wang and Zhang addressing each other by their official titles suggests that Ma and Xi have the wisdom and courage to tear up this scrap of paper and move ten thousand mountains. We will have to wait and see.

Full text below:

The Ma government has made two recommendations regarding the official titles to be used at this year's APEC conference in Bali. Wang Yu-chi and Zhang Zhijun should address each other as " Chairman Zhang" and "Chairman Wang" during the meeting. But Vincent Siew and Xi Jinping should address each other as "Economic Leader Mr. Vincent Siew" and "Economic Leader Mr. Xi Jinping." Unfortunately the latter recommendation was not accepted.

Can an agreement be reached on how Wang and Zhang should address each other? Can Xi and Siew address each other as "economic leader" and "economic representative?" If they can, then the general outlines for the Ma Xi meeting at next year's APEC conference in Beijing will be complete. If this year an agreement can be reached on how Wang and Zhang should address each other, there is no reason why when Ma and Xi meet in Beijing they cannot address each other as "economic leader" inside the APEC conference. Outside the conference they can address each other as the "leader of the Taiwan authorities," and the "leader of Mainland authorities." Where there's a will, there's a way.

We hope this year an agreement can be reached on how Wang and Zhang should address each other. We hope it will pave the way for next year's Ma Xi meeting. If so, the meeting on Bali could be as historically significant as the 2005 Lien Hu meeting. Its impact and achievements could even surpass those of the Lien Hu meeting.

Both sides look forward to a Ma Xi meeting. If next year Ma and Xi can meet, it means the two sides will be able to discuss the cross-Strait political framework. New solutions for cross-strait relations will be possible. That is why the 2014 Ma Xi meeting may transcend the 2005 Lian Hu meeting in importance.

For example, during the Bali meeting Beijing spoke of the "one China framework." This was Xi Jinping's terminology. Taipei spoke of the "1992 consensus." This was Vincent Siew's terminology. Wang and Zhang referred to each other as "Chairman Zhang" and "Chairman Wang." This of course reflected the two sides' "mutual non-denial" or "mutual recognition" of political authority. Currently the two sides refuse to recognize the other sides' political sovereignty and political authority. The first step in loosening the current system's mutual non-recognition, is to address the other sides' officials as "Minister of Economics" and "Minister of Trade." This is not merely a change in official titles. This is a change in the entire system of thinking and political framework.

Of course, the transformation requires a process. But Wang and Zhang addressing each other by their official titles is a first step. For the time being it may be difficult to address each other as "Minister of Defense" or "Minister of Foreign Affairs." But surely it ought to be possible to address each other as "Minister of Education?" If the two sides sign a "Military Trust Agreement" one day, can they still refuse to address each other as "Minister of Defense?" If the two sides come to sign a "Peace Agreement" one day, can they still refuse to address each other as "Premier?" Wang and Zhang addressing each other by their official titles is the first reference to an official framework for cross-Strait political authority. The next step must be to address the official framework for cross-strait political sovereignty.

Wang and Zhang addressing each other by their official titles underscores each side's recognition of the other's political authority. The two sides must not continue to deny each other's political sovereignty. Doing so implies the existence of "two Chinas." Based on "special circumtances under which the two sides have yet to be reunified," the term "one China" is neither the Republic of China nor the People's Republic of China. Rather, it is a "Third Concept" above and beyond either. It is a "generic concept" of "one China." It is this newspaper's proposed "big roof concept of China." It means "The two sides' sovereignty overlap and the two together constitute China." Therefore both the ROC and the PRC are "part of China."

At this point, discussions regarding official titles may lead to discussions regarding the political framework. A formal legal system has yet to be established, for example, through a "Peace Agreement." Under the "big roof concept of China" the two sides' leaders can be referred to as the "leader of the Taiwan authorities" and the "leader of the Mainland authorities." This reflects the "big roof concept of China." Other government agencies and personnel can be addressed according to their respective titles and ranks. In this manner discussions regarding official titles can become discussions regarding political authority. After that, discussions regarding political authority can become discussions regarding political sovereignty. Eventually the "big roof concept of China" can reafirm political sovereignty and political authority for both sides under the "one China framework."

This is what people on both sides should seek from a Ma Xi meeting. Wang and Zhang addressing each other by their official titles has already allowed the two sides to take an important stop toward discussions regarding cross-Strait political authority. Similarly, if next year Ma and Xi can meet, the two sides will be able to discuss cross-Strait political sovereignty. This could be a game changing event that sends shockwaves around the world

An editorial published by this newspaper recently urged moving from discussions regarding official titles, to discussions regarding political authority, to discussions regarding political sovereignty. Fools see ten thousand mountains. Wise men see only a scrap of paper. Wang and Zhang have already proved this. Why can't Ma and Xi also tear up this scrap of paper?

If Ma and Xi can meet next year, it will mean that the two sides have made a breakthrough. They can be sensible and reasonable regarding official titles, political authority, and political sovereignty. It will also mean that the two sides have already passed the point of no return. Ma and Xi must not forsake this historic opportunity. Wang and Zhang addressing each other by their official titles suggests that Ma and Xi have the wisdom and courage to tear up this scrap of paper and move ten thousand mountains. We will have to wait and see.

兩岸互稱官銜：撕一張紙 移萬重山
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.10.08 03:33 am

馬政府對今年峇里島ＡＰＥＣ年會兩岸團員的相互稱謂問題，曾提出兩個建議；其中，王郁琦與張志軍互稱「張主任」、「王主委」之議已獲得實現，但另提蕭萬長與習近平互稱「經濟領袖代表蕭先生」與「經濟領袖習先生」之議惜未成功。

倘若此會能同步實現王張互稱官銜，及習蕭互稱「經濟領袖」與「經濟領袖代表」，即可視為明年北京懷柔ＡＰＥＣ「馬習會」之體制架構的輪廓已然建構完竣。不過，今年既能實現王張互稱官銜，明年就未嘗不能實現馬習在北京ＡＰＥＣ會內互稱「經濟領袖」，在會外互稱「台灣當局領導人」及「大陸當局領導人」，畢竟，皆是一念間事。

因而，今年王張互稱官銜，若能成為替明年「馬習會」鋪平道路的第一塊磚，則這場峇里島之會，或許在歷史地位上將成為二○○五年「連胡會」以來最重大的兩岸關係轉型事件，其成就及影響且將超越連胡會。

兩岸皆期待馬習會能實現。主要的原因是，倘若明年「馬習會」得以成功，即表示兩岸在「體制論述」上已經出現轉型，兩岸關係也找到了新的解決路徑。這是二○一四年的馬習可能超越二○○五年的連胡之處。

例如，此次峇里島之會，北京在「一個中國框架內」（習近平語），台北在「九二共識下」（蕭萬長語），實現了王張互稱「張主任／王主委」，這自然可視為是「治權互不否認」或「治權相互承認」的體現。倘若這就是現行「主權治權皆相互否認」之體制論述出現鬆動的第一塊落磚，則未來互稱「經濟部長」、「商務部長」即有可能。如此，這就不只是「稱謂的變化」，而是整個「體制思維」與「體制論述」的變化。

當然，此一轉型需要一個過程，但王張互稱官銜已邁出了第一步。未來，也許暫難出現互稱「國防部長」或「外交部長」的場面，但絕對有可能出現互稱「教育部長」的場景。何況，若待兩岸走到簽署《軍事互信協定》的一日，難道還能不互稱「國防部長」嗎？再如，若待兩岸走到簽署《和平協議》的一日，難道還能不互稱「行政院長」及「國務院總理」嗎？因而，王張互稱官銜，可以視為重建兩岸「治權體制論述」的開端，下一步則必定要面對兩岸「主權體制論述」的重建問題。

王張互稱官銜，若是顯示「治權相互承認」，兩岸即不宜繼續存有「主權相互否認」的狀態，因為這就會陷入「兩個中國」的難題。於是，在「兩岸尚未統一特殊情況下」的「一個中國」，若不是中華民國，也不是中華人民共和國，即應創造出一個在二者之上的「第三概念」或「上位概念」的「一個中國」，亦即本報倡議的「大屋頂中國」，此即「兩岸主權相互含蘊並共同合成的一個中國」，如此中華民國與中華人民共和國皆為「一部分的中國」。

論述至此，可再回到「稱謂論述」所帶動的「體制論述」。在「大屋頂中國」的正式法制尚未建立之前（如透過《和平協議》），兩岸的稱謂除最高領導人互稱「台灣當局領導人」及「大陸當局領導人」，以體現「大屋頂中國」的思維之外，其餘政府機構及人員皆可互稱官銜。如此，即可由「稱謂體制論述」推動改變「治權體制論述」，再由「治權體制論述」推動改變「主權體制論述」，最後以「大屋頂中國」來重建兩岸主權與治權的「一中架構」。

這應即是兩岸有心人對「馬習會」多所期待的原因。王張互稱官銜，已為兩岸「治權體制論述」的解決邁出了重要的一步；同樣的，明年若能實現馬習會，亦必將對解決兩岸「主權體制論述」的難題，作出震動世界、旋轉乾坤的貢獻。

正如本報日前社論所說：由「稱謂體制論述」到「治權體制論述」，到「主權體制論述」，其間的阻隔均是愚者心中的萬重山，卻是智者心中的一張紙。王張已證明此說，馬習何不也撕去那張紙？

馬習會明年若能實現，將表示兩岸在「稱謂、治權及主權體制論述」上皆應已取得了「合情合理」的轉型與突破，也將表示兩岸已真正跨越了「不可回逆」的門檻；馬習二人絕對不能錯失此一歷史機遇，而此次王張互稱官銜，似也顯示了馬習皆有「撕一張紙／移萬重山」的智慧與勇氣，且拭目以觀。