Reminders for Ma and Wang in a Lose/Lose Battle

Reminders for Ma and Wang in a Lose/Lose Battle
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China)
A Translation
October 4, 2013

Summary: The future may bring inconceivable change. But for the time being, neither Wang nor Ma will emerge a winner. President Ma's plight requires no comment. He was dealt a pat hand, yet this is how he played it. What more can one say? Conversely, Speaker of the Legislature Wang has not, contrary to popular opinion, "scored two consecutive victories." His internal injuries are no less serious than Ma's.

Full text below:

A "political struggle" has raged for most of this month. The storm has yet to subside. But cool-headed observation tells us two things. One. Speaker of the Legislature Wang Jin-pyng has temporarily saved his rice bowl. Two. He has temporarily abandoned the KMT and become a Speaker of the Legislature with no party affiliation. The DPP launched a combined public opinion battle and legal battle. But these were merely "spit battles." They involved empty rhetoric. Once the boat has glided by, the water will leave no trace of its passing. On the other hand, a Speaker of the Legislature who has no party affiliation whatsoever, amounts to a real change in the situation. It will definitely affect future politics.

The future may bring inconceivable change. But for the time being, neither Wang nor Ma will emerge a winner. President Ma's plight requires no comment. He was dealt a pat hand, yet this is how he played it. What more can one say? Conversely, Speaker of the Legislature Wang has not, contrary to popular opinion, "scored two consecutive victories." His internal injuries are no less serious than Ma's. Their future relationship will be troubled. How will the two perceive their own plight? How will the two cope with future difficulties? That is the real key. We would like to offer Ma and Wang the following suggestions and reminders.

First, we would like to offer Speaker of the Legislature Wang Jin-pyng the following reminder.

One. End the chaos in the legislature, as soon as possible. Allow the legislature to return to normal. According to our latest poll, over 70% of the public is unhappy with the efficiency and performance of current legislators. Over 60% think interparty consultations must be restarted and expanded. Over 40% of the public supports the dissolution of the legislature. This is abundantly clear. The public wants a Legislative Yuan that acts as a gatekeeper for legislation. It does not want a legislature that leaves the government paralyzed. True, the Speaker of the Legislature now has no partisan political fetters. He need no longer pay attention to what Chairman Ma likes or dislikes. He has more maneuvering room than in the past. But that does not mean he can do whatever he pleases, without constraints. On the contrary, polls talk. Any future chaos and gridlock in the legislature will be blamed on him, the Speaker of the Legislature.

Two. The cloud of suspicion surrounding influence peddling among the privileged has dissipated. The KMT appeal was rejected. Put bluntly, the wire tapping may have be questionable. Wang's appeal may have been successful. But that is hardly the same as saying that the public approved of Wang's conduct or considered it legitimate. Wang Jin-pyng and the DPP's Ker Chien-ming cannot excuse their behavior with the public. If they fail to exercise restraint in the future, and persist in making back room deals, they will provoke a storm of controversy. In particular, they will not be allowed to use the Budget Review process as a means of influence peddling.

Three. No matter how reluctant Wang may be, he must mend relations with the president and the executive branch, as soon as possible. He must coordinate with Ma, especially over legislation. If Wang gains the upper hand, he may not use it to worsen the current political impasse in the Legislative Yuan, preventing President Ma and the ruling party from taking action. If he does, public opinion will turn against him. Public sympathy and support for him will evaporate. Major bills, particulary TISA must be allowed to pass .

We would also remind President Ma. 

One. You must understand why the situation degenerated as it did. You hurt yourself more than you hurt your opponent. You fought the Romans at Heraclea and scored a Pyrrhic Victory. The results clearly illustrate this. Do not assume that as long as your ends are just, you need not limit yourself to appropriate and reasonable means. From beginning to end, the public rejected your arguments. It could not accept your crude handling of the matter.

Two. You emphasize respect for the law. Therefore you cannot cannot focus exclusively on influence peddling among the privileged, and disregard entirely the Special Investigation Unit's indiscriminate wire tapping. President Ma insists on human rights and the rule of law. This has been his trademark ever since he became involved in politics. But one cannot demand the highest ethical standards for influence peddling among the privileged, while ignoring illegal wire tapping by law enforcement. That merely subjects one to even greater skepticism.

Three. No matter how difficult, the ruling party in the legislature must regroup as soon as possible. Chen Shui-bian was plagued by major scandals. Yet his Praetorian Guard within the Legislative Yuan always rushed to his defense, and supported him to the bitter end. President Ma is not implicated in any scandal. Yet he appears to have committed some unforgivable sin. He battles alone, surrounded by his enemies. The ruling party commands an absolute majority in the Legislative Yuan. Yet it has no stomach for a fight. President Ma, does this not alarm you? Your comrades now have their guns pointed at each other. They are engaged in internecine warfare. President Ma finds himself trapped among party members harboring deep grievances. He finds himself constantly beseiged by outsiders who question his "inner circle." He may as well emerge from his office, and condescend to communicate directly with KMT legislators.

Four. If you believe you are right, then take your case directly to the people. Use language people understand. Use every means at hand to explain your convictions and philosophy. In the United States, when the president clashes with Congress, he invariably appeals directly to the people, and frequently snatches victory from the jaws of defeat.
   
中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2013.10.04
社論－幾點提醒 給雙輸的馬王
本報訊

    　喧擾大半月的所謂「政爭」，走到此一階段固然依舊沸沸揚揚，但冷靜觀察，大概已可以確定兩項結論，其一是王金平暫時保住了國會議長的職位，其二是他暫時放棄了國民黨籍，成為名符其實的無黨籍立法院長。至於民進黨掀起的輿論戰與法律戰，終究只是「口水戰」，很快會船過水無痕。但一個「實質無黨籍立法院長」的變局，絕對將影響接下來的政局。

    　姑不論未來將會有那些不堪的變局，僅就目前所發展的結果論，我們以為不論是王抑或馬，都不會是這場爭議的贏家，馬總統根本不必說了，一幅上好的牌被他打成這般局面，夫復何言？王院長的處境也絕不是如外界所評論的是「連贏兩局」，他所受的內傷，絕對不比馬低。今後這段時日甭說他們兩人的關係很難再修復，他們兩人怎麼各自認知自己的處境，如何應付今後的艱困局面，恐怕才是更大的關鍵。因而針對馬王兩人，我們在此想做些中肯的建言與提醒。

    　首先，我們想先對王金平院長，提出以下的提醒：

    　一、務必要盡快遏止立院的失序狀態，讓國會運作回到立法的正業上。根據本報最新民調，有7成以上不滿當前國會的議事效率及立委的表現，有6成認為朝野協商制度必須改弦更張，甚至有4成民眾支持解散國會。這已經很清楚說明，人民要的是一個能夠為法案善加把關的立法院，不是一個讓政府全面失靈的立法院。沒有錯，王金平院長如今已沒有政黨羈絆，不必再看馬「主席」的臉色，政治空間也比過去更加遊刃有餘，但這絕不代表他未來可以從心所欲，無拘無束，正好相反，民調會說話，未來立院的失序與僵局，責任都將落於議長身上。

    　二、特權關說的疑雲，從來沒有因為抗告成功，就可以下結論說已獲得平反。講得再直白一點，就算監聽程序確實存有爭議，就算司法抗告獲得成功，都不等於宣告關說行為已獲得社會認可，甚至擁有價值上的正當性，王金平與民進黨的柯建銘一樣，都缺少給外界一個說法。未來若是不能在密室政治行為的操作上有所節制與收歛，依舊還是會陷入爭議的，尤其藉預算審查權關說，更是不能容許。

    　三、不論有多大的不情願，還是得盡快修補與總統及行政部門的關係，特別是在立法做為的配合上。如果在局面占上風之際，竟然進一步在立院深化目前的政治僵局，故意讓馬總統及執政黨無所做為，那麼主流輿論原本對王金平的同情與支持，將會很快的轉向。重大法案，尤其服貿協議要能順利通過。

    　我們也想對馬總統做出幾點提醒：

    　一、務必要認清事態何以竟會發展成這樣的結果？宛如打了一套自傷大於他傷的七傷拳，更宛如打了一場「殺敵八千，自損一萬」的戰役，這個結果清楚說明的一點是：千萬不要以為只要目標正確，就可以不必兼顧手段的合宜與情理。主流民意從頭到尾都沒有否定馬總統的價值訴求，卻對馬總統處理手法的粗糙、突兀不能認同。

    　二、既然強調守法，就不能只關注特權關說的實質正義，而完全不顧及特偵組濫行監聽的程序正義。馬總統對人權與法治的堅持，一直是他從政以來最鮮明的政治風格，但如果只對特權關說保持最高道德標準的潔癖，卻對非法監聽刻意忽視，所可能受到的質疑恐怕更大。

    　三、不論困難有多大，都要盡快重整執政黨在立法院的隊伍了。昔日陳水扁哪怕是再大的弊案纏身，在立院都有一支鐵衛隊為他辯解，力挺到底。如今的馬總統沒惹上任何一樁弊案，卻彷彿犯了天大地大的錯，陷入孤軍奮戰，四面楚歌的處境，一個在立院占過半數執政黨團，竟然被打得毫無戰力，馬總統難道還不願警醒嗎？目前黨內已呈現炮口向內，同志相殘的態勢，馬總統與其坐困愁城，不斷承受外界所謂小圈圈的質疑，不如走出辦公室，放下身段與黨籍立委直接溝通吧。

    　四、如果認為自己是對的，就多與人民直接溝通吧！特別要是用人民熟悉的語言，利用各種管道闡述自己的堅持與理念。要知道，美國歷來所有與國會衝突的總統，都是在直接向人民訴求後獲得反敗為勝。