Blue vs. Green: Peaceful Dialogue with Mainland, Deadly Struggle on Taiwan

Blue vs. Green: Peaceful Dialogue with Mainland, Deadly Struggle on Taiwan
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 12, 2014

Summary: People have become accustomed to blue vs. green confrontation. The domestic political atmosphere has left many numb. They have had their fill of politicians' antics in the legislature. The just convened emergency session is likely end in a melee. People may no longer be angry. But consider the situation from a better vantage point. The KMT and CCP long ago began a rapprochement. Green Camp politicians have recently made a show of goodwill towards the CCP. But here on Taiwan, the blue and green camps remain at each others' throats, and every cut draws blood. Is this political chaos, or is this the failure of democracy?

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People have become accustomed to blue vs. green confrontation. The domestic political atmosphere has left many numb. They have had their fill of politicians' antics in the legislature. The just convened emergency session is likely end in a melee. People may no longer be angry. But consider the situation from a better vantage point. The KMT and CCP long ago began a rapprochement. Green Camp politicians have recently made a show of goodwill towards the CCP. But here on Taiwan, the blue and green camps remain at each others' throats, and every cut draws blood. Is this political chaos, or is this the failure of democracy?

Even the man in the street realizes that Taiwan's political system cannot breath. Tsai Ing-wen has taken over as DPP Chairperson. But she has not changed Su Tseng-chang's policy of obstructionism. She has ordered the DPP legislative caucus to continue blocking the STA and cross-strait agreement oversight regulations. She refused to participate in the upcoming Executive Yuan's national trade conference. She threatened a "fierce battle" during the Legislative Yuan emergency session. She singled out the draft law for free trade zones, saying it was a nonsensical policy that would undermine the political system and hurt Taiwan's economy. She swore to block it with all her might, and demanded that it be totally rewritten.

She is attempting to abort these measures before they are born. She is attempting to prevent the Ma adminstration from implementing any of its economic policies and making any economic contributions. This includes external measures such as the STA and FTAs, and internal measures such as free trade zones.

Meanwhile, the Ma administration has changed its once passive strategy. It has begun to take the offensive. Lai Ching-teh once said that cross-Strait direct flights were a Trojan horse. President Ma fired back. He pointed out how Lai flitted to the Mainland and begged for direct flights to Tainan. Tsai Ing-wen once said that the free trade zones were a "potluck dinner run amok." President Ma fired back. He accused Tsai of distorting the facts for political gain. He fired back at the green camp, charging it with indiscriminate obstructionism, "minority violence," and "minority tyranny." Premier Jiang Yi-hua blasted the opposition for obstructing major policies. He said many young people are highly proactive. "They do not complain about the government all day, and do not attribute their own failures to others." The implication was that the student movement only knew how to complain.

The blue and green camps have intensified their rhetoric and hardened their positions. From a partisan perspective, these are offensive and defensive tactics for the year end seven in one elections. But from the public's perspective, this is a battle to the death. Government policy and the national interest will become a political football. It will become cannon fodder. If the public merely watches the fight from the sidelines, or takes it for granted, the politicians will be able to obstruct anything, and proclaim that democracy is nothing more than the "institutionalization of internal conflict."

Blue vs. green confrontation may leave people weary. But consider the attitudinal changes that have taken place in cross-Strait policy. The bizzarre developments have left people breathless.

In recent years, cross-Strait rapprochement has made blue camp figures shuttling back and forth across the Taiwan Strait a matter of routine. But even more interesting is how many green camp figures have found their way to the Mainland. Tainan Mayor Lai Ching-teh recently visited Shanghai. He is the last of the green camp mayors to visit the Mainland. Everyone is aware of his political coloration, seniority, and prestige. Yet he was terrified of missing the boat. While discussing cross-Strait exchanges at Fudan University he advocated "understanding, comprehension, forgiveness, and reconciliation." His demeanor was moderate and deferential. Tsai Ing-wen welcomed Taiwan Affairs Office Director Zhang Zhijun to Taiwan. She even seized the initiative and said that "As long as there are no preconditions, he could even meet the Democratic Progressive Party Central Committee."

What's curious is how Tsai Ing-wen could express so much goodwill toward CCP officials. Yet when the Ma administration invited her to participate in the National Economic Affairs Conference, she abruptly refused. She even orderd the DPP legislative caucus to block any Ma administration bills, forthwith. Could it be that blue vs. green grievances run even deeper than grievances across the Strait? When Lai Ching-teh was on the Mainland addressing cross-Strait exchanges, he spoke of "understanding, comprehension, forgiveness, and reconciliation." Yet the green camp attitude toward the Ma administration is "Do not speak to it, do not listen to it, do not look at it, do not meet with it." It is as if a high wall separates the two parties. Are we to understand that the grievances between the blue and green parties are less amenable to solutions than the historical grievances between Taiwan and the Mainland?

Consider something even more absurd. The DPP has put on an elaborate show of goodwill towards the CCP. But back on Taiwan, it shrilly promotes hatred for Mainland] China. It opposes the STA, opposes the MTA, opposes the influx of Mainland capital, and opposes free trade zones. It waves the "Oppose China" banner to oppose Ma. Isn't this flagrant self-contradiction? For green camp supporters, Ma Ying-jeou has become more hated than Communist China. Hasn't the DPP gone off the deep end?

Political competition allows one to express oppositon, but not indiscriminate opposition. It allows one to have intense feelings, but to resort to any means necessary. It allows one to use one's ingenuity, but not to flip-flop endlessly without taking a firm stand. It allows one to be stubborn, but not if it leaves the nation in ruins. This is why democracies speak of the "loyal opposition." An opposition party can engage in endless obstructionism. But the bottom line is that it must not go against the national interest. The DPP has long trumpeted its "love for Taiwan." Yet its loyalty towards Taiwan appears to evaporated into nothingness.

藍綠皆與對岸談和 卻在島內互相廝殺
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.06.12 02:24 am

習 慣了藍綠對峙的民眾，對目前國內沉悶的政治氛圍也許已經失去了痛覺；看多了立法院鬧劇的民眾，對於即將召開的國會臨時會可能以混戰收場，或許也已不再憤 怒。但是，如果把鏡頭拉遠來看這場劇情，當國共兩黨早已融冰，綠營人物最近也競向中共示好，而藍綠政黨卻在島內殺得刀刀見骨；這是政治的錯亂，還是民主的 頹唐？

就算是一般市井小民，應該也都察覺到台灣的政治刻正進入一種令人呼吸困難的狀態。蔡英文接任民進黨主席後，不改蘇貞昌的全面抵制作 風，要求黨團繼續在立法院杯葛服貿協議、兩岸協議監督條例的立法。近日，她先拒絕參加行政院即將召開的「經貿國是會議」，並揚言將在立院臨時會進行一場 「激烈的戰鬥」，更將矛頭指向《自由經濟示範區條例》草案，稱這是一個破壞體制的無厘頭錯誤政策，將重創台灣經濟，誓言極力杯葛，要求全面翻修。

這些舉動，無非是要將馬政府推動的所有經濟政策，從對外的服貿、貨貿、自由貿易協定等，到對內的自由經濟示範區，一律阻殺於陣前，不容有任何進度。

與 此同時，人們也看到馬政府一改先前的被動戰略，開始採取反擊攻勢。馬總統批評賴清德曾說兩岸開放直航是「木馬屠城」，現在卻跑到大陸要求和台南直航；再 如，馬總統反擊蔡英文指示範區是「無限延伸的拼盤雜燴」之說，批評這是扭曲事實的政治操作，也反咬綠營濫行杯葛是「少數暴力」及「少數專制」。同時間，閣 揆江宜樺則痛批在野黨阻撓重大政策，並稱許社會有不少年輕人積極進取，「不會整天抱怨政府，也不會把失敗歸諸別人」，暗諷學運學生只會抱怨。

藍 綠同時拉高聲調及對立姿態，從政黨政治的角度看，是年底七合一選舉的攻防戰術；但從民眾的角度看，如此血腥的爭鬥，其結果將是把政府政策和國家利益送上火 線，當成砲灰。如果人們對這樣的纏鬥廝殺一味冷眼旁觀，或視為當然，那麼，政客當然可以把杯葛手段玩到無所不用其極，並宣稱民主就是「內耗制度化」的保證 書。

光看藍綠對決，或許只是讓人感到疲乏；但如果看看藍綠在兩岸大形勢下的態度變化，則其間的奇異風光，不能不教人倒抽一口氣。

近 幾年兩岸融冰，藍軍人物穿梭於台海之間已是司空見慣；但更引人注意的，則是綠營人物近期絡繹於途地登陸訪問。台南市長賴清德日前訪問上海，已是綠營縣市長 登陸的最後一人；以其色彩、資歷和聲望，竟也走到訪中「唯恐誤了這班車」的地步。而且，在復旦大學的座談談到兩岸交流時，他提出「了解、理解、諒解、和 解」的「四解」主張，表現得十足溫良恭讓。與此同時，蔡英文提到國台辦主任張志軍訪台之事，也主動示意歡迎說：「只要不預設前提，可以在民進黨中央黨部會 面。」

讓人好奇的是，蔡英文可以向中共官員釋出這樣的善意，但馬政府邀請她參加「經貿國是會議」，她卻立刻悍然拒絕，並對立院黨團下達法 案封殺令。難道說，藍綠心結之深，竟然比台灣海峽還深？同樣的，賴清德在大陸大談兩岸交流的「了解、理解、諒解、和解」，但整個綠營對於馬政府的態度卻是 「不談、不聽、不見、不會」，兩黨間如同存在一面高牆。難道說，藍綠間的仇恨，竟然比兩岸的歷史恩怨還要難解？

更荒謬的是，民進黨一方面 不斷向中共示好作態，另一方面，它卻在國內大肆販售「仇中」言論，無論是反服貿、反貨貿、反中資、反示範區，皆是舉著「反中」的旗幟來「反馬」；如此，不 覺得自我矛盾嗎？對綠營的支持者而言，「馬英九」變成比「中共」還可恨的敵人，不覺得走火入魔嗎？

政黨的競爭，可以反對，卻不能漫無底 限；可以激烈，卻不能不擇手段；可以機巧，卻不能反反覆覆到沒有立場；可以頑固，卻不能企圖讓國家與之俱焚。民主政治之所以要強調「忠誠的反對黨」，就是 這個道理；一個反對黨可以用盡手段杯葛，然其最終底線是不能違背國家的利益。就這點看，一向喜歡高談「愛台灣」的民進黨，似乎正漸漸悖離它對台灣的忠誠。