Taiwan's Illusory Sense of Superiority

Taiwan's Illusory Sense of Superiority
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 6, 2014

Summary: The economic and political miracle that contributed to the Taiwanese sense of superiority has become an obstacle to Taiwan's continued progress. Many refuse to take advantage of the opportunities provided by the Mainland. They insist on seeing the Mainland as a threat, as a negative example. are closed-minded and lack pragmatism. They refuse to learn from the Mainland's experience, They refuse to work together toward a common dream. If they have their way, a golden opportunity will be lost.

Full Text Below:

Now that she is once again DPP chairperson, Tsai Ing-wen's main task is to engineer a return to power. Her biggest challenge, everyone agrees, is cross-Strait policy. Most people focus on Tsai Ing-wen's cross-Strait policy positions. Will the DPP relinquish its Taiwan independence party platform? Just exactly what is the "Taiwan consensus"? Has Tsai accepted the 1992 consensus? Is the "Taiwan consensus" too vague? Accepting the 1992 consensus would appear to be adopting the same position as the KMT. If it is, can Tsai and the DPP advance any new ideas? Can they persuade the Mainland to accept their ideas? The back and forth arguments are always about such questions.

But the DPP's political path is also a matter of concern. The DPP's political path is closely related to factional power struggles. Are Tsai and Hsieh allies? What relationship do they have to Taiwan independence elements? Do they enjoy Lee Teng-hui's support? Su Tseng-chang harbors grievances. Will that affect DPP policy reform? These topics are the ones that interest the media.

Everyone is concerned about policy positions and power struggles. But few are concerned about deeper issues, such as the underlying social psychological obstacles to DPP policy reform. In fact, social psychological issues may be the biggest obstacle standing in the way of DPP policy reform.

Ever since Tsai Ing-wen became involved in politics, including cross-Strait relations and cross-Strait policy, she has been the beneficiary of two political assets. One. Tsai Ing-wen is recognized as the mastermind behind Lee Teng-hui's "two states theory." She is perceived as being close to Lee Teng-hui, both personally and ideologically. Therefore Taiwan independence elements have high expectations of her and good feelings toward her. Two. Tsai Ing-wen has a background in international trade. As Vice Premier she was relatively pragmatic on cross-Strait economic and trade exchanges. She deliberately cultivated a relatively moderate and rational political image. As a result swing voters looked to her to lead DPP cross-Strait policy reform. Alas, Tsai Ing-wen's two assets are mutually contradictory. She often flip-flops between the two. The real problem is that Tsai Ing-wen lacks the will, the determination, and the ability to change the DPP's political path. Taiwan independence elements have a deeply ingrained a sense of "Taiwanese superiority." This is the underlying social psychological obstacle to DPP policy reform.

What is this Taiwanese sense of superiority? It is the belief that Taiwan's economic development, democratic politics, and way of life make it vastly superior to the Chinese mainland. It is the belief that Taiwan cannot afford and has no need to conduct exchanges with the Mainland. let alone integrate itself with the Mainland. It is the belief that doing so would hurt Taiwan, lead to the loss of our existing assets, to economic dependency, would turn the clock back on democracy and undermine our way of life.

No one can deny that Taiwan experienced an economic miracle that became the basis for Taiwan's superiority. But Taiwan is currently experiencing sluggish economic growth. Looking back at the causes of Taiwan's economic miracle and momentum will help us see into the future. Taiwan's economic miracle has often been portrayed as an achievement of Big Government, of Very Important People, or of diligent workers. Most people ignore the Cold War factor. The confrontation between the East and West provided Taiwan with many opportunities. In order to fight the Communist bloc, the U.S. deliberately nurtured the economies of Taiwan and South Korea. Money and material assistance partially solved the problem of capital accumulation for economic growth. Open markets solved Taiwan's exports problem. Dependence on the United States made Taiwan's economic miracle possible. But dependence on the United States also meant that a weakened U.S. economy would stall Taiwan's growth engine.

Under the Cold War the United States helped shape Taiwan's democracy. Democracy countered Communism. U.S. support for Taiwan's government ensured stability and contributed to democratic reforms. The U.S. helped create a peaceful and democratic transition. But transplanting America's democracy also led to its current debasement on Taiwan.

Cold War confrontation and dependence upon the United States enabled Taiwan to enjoy economic prosperity, political stability, and social progress. The public on Taiwan used the opportunity to work hard. Meanwhile, the Mainland watched as Taiwan took flight, Formerly complacent, the Mainland noted the obvious gap between the two sides.

Taiwan's economic and political miracle brought jubilation. But it also encouraged people to ignore the defects in their system. People blinded themselves to Taiwan's limitations. Their myopia encouraged people to look down their noses at the Mainland as a whole, including its culture and society. But competition is dynamic process. The Mainland reformed and liberalized. Cold War confrontation ended. The scales of history tipped in the opposite direction. Taiwan's limitations were slowly exposed. A grave lack of international understanding made Taiwan complacent. It made Taiwan repeat the past mistakes of the Mainland. The Mainland has now risen. It may surpass Taiwan, Our past sense of superiority has paradoxically increased our hostility.

Taiwan needs self-reflection. It needs to open itself up in the search for opportunities. The economic and political miracle that contributed to the Taiwanese sense of superiority has become an obstacle to Taiwan's continued progress. Many refuse to take advantage of the opportunities provided by the Mainland. They insist on seeing the Mainland as a threat, as a negative example. They are closed-minded and lack pragmatism. They refuse to learn from the Mainland's experience, They refuse to work together toward a common dream. If they have their way, a golden opportunity will be lost.

Tsai Ing-wen has become party chairperson. Her primary task must be to confront and deal with this illusory sense of Taiwanese superiority. Tsai Ing-wen has recently emphasized the importance of understanding [Mainland] China. If the public on Taiwan refuses to abandon this sense of superiority, it cannot possibly understand [Mainland] China

社論－虛幻的台灣優越感
2014年06月06日 04:10
編輯部

重新當上民進黨主席之後，蔡英文最主要的任務就是重返執政，最大的挑戰就是兩岸政策，這幾乎是社會的主流共識。（中新社資料照片）

重 新當上民進黨主席之後，蔡英文最主要的任務就是重返執政，最大的挑戰就是兩岸政策，這幾乎是社會的主流共識。然而，絕大多數人關於蔡英文兩岸政策的討論， 都集中在「論述」層面。民進黨放不放棄《台獨黨綱》？什麼是「台灣共識」？蔡英文接不接受「九二共識」？如果「台灣共識」過於模糊，接受「九二共識」似乎 又等於向國民黨靠攏、趨同，那麼蔡英文和民進黨能提出什麼新主張？又如何讓大陸方面接受？討論來、討論去，焦點始終集中在這些問題上。

在論述層面之外，民進黨的路線問題也備受關注，路線又和民進黨的權力與派系角力密切相關。蔡英文是否和謝系結盟？和獨派的關係如何？是否得到李登輝支持？和蘇貞昌矛盾心結又如何影響民進黨的路線轉型？這類的話題，很可能是媒體更關心、更有興趣的新聞。

然而，在「論述」與「權鬥」外，很少人關注更「深層次」的課題，那就是民進黨路線轉型重重障礙的社會心理基礎問題。事實上，社會心理問題可能是民進黨論述與路線轉型最大的障礙。

從 政以來，蔡英文在兩岸關係、兩岸政策上，有兩種「政治資產」。其一，蔡英文始終被認為是李登輝「兩國論」的規畫者，也被認為和李登輝的個人關係與政治理念 契合，所以獨派對她抱持高度期待與好感。其二，蔡英文具有國際經貿背景，在擔任行政院副院長期間，在兩岸經貿交流問題上相對務實，加上個人政治色彩較為淡 薄，又刻意打造中間理性形象，因而一些中間選民期待她能帶領民進黨實現兩岸路線轉型。蔡英文這兩種資產是相互矛盾的，她也往往依違在這兩者之間，然而，說 到根本問題，還在於流露路線轉型意向的蔡英文，並沒有堅定的意志、決心和能力面對獨派民眾普遍的「台灣優越感」，解決民進黨轉型的社會心理基礎障礙。

什麼是台灣優越感？簡言之，就是認為台灣在經濟發展、民主政治和生活方式上都遠遠優於中國大陸，台灣沒有能力、更沒有必要去和大陸交流、融合，因為這只會傷害、流失台灣既有的資產，進而出現經濟依賴、民主倒退、生活方式受到破壞等危機。

是 的，誰也無法否認台灣曾經有過經濟奇蹟，這也是台灣優越感的最主要根基。然而，在台灣經濟成長遲滯的此時此刻，回首台灣經濟奇蹟的成因與動能，有助於我們 思索未來。台灣經濟奇蹟曾經不斷被描繪為大政府、大人物或勤奮工人的貢獻，人們卻選擇性忽略了在冷戰結構下，東西兩大集團對峙給台灣帶來的機遇。由於對抗 共產集團，美國刻意扶植台灣（及南韓等地）的經濟，透過金錢和物資援助，部分解決經濟成長的資本積累問題，透過開放市場，解決台灣產品出口換匯問題，在對 美依附結構下，台灣才有經濟奇蹟。正因為對美依附結構的限制，美國經濟趨弱後，台灣成長引擎也就熄火。

在冷戰結構下，美國還協助塑造台灣的民主品牌，在民主對抗共產的兩極對立下，美國支持台灣政府的穩定，也促使台灣進行溫和的民主改革，美國協助打造一個和平民主轉型的外部環境，但是移植美式民主的後果，也產生今天「橘逾淮為枳」的流弊。

冷戰對立、對美依附，帶給台灣的好處是經濟起飛、政治安定、社會進步，台灣民眾在這過程中也利用客觀環境提供的機會，努力打拚，同時，對岸的大陸在台灣起飛的同時，曾經陷於故步自封的境地，使得兩岸的對比出現明顯的差距。

但 是台灣在經濟政治奇蹟的喜悅之中，卻忘記了自己存在的流弊，更無視於自身缺乏國際宏觀視野的重大局限，甚至對大陸的體制、文化與社會產生優越感，看不起大 陸人。然而，競爭比賽是動態的。當大陸走向改革開放，當冷戰結構瓦解崩潰，歷史天秤悄悄出現了偏移，台灣的局限性也慢慢的曝露出來。嚴重的國際視野不足， 讓台灣缺乏危機意識，也讓台灣重蹈了當年大陸故步自封的覆轍。一旦發現大陸已經崛起，甚至可能超越台灣，過去的優越感受到創傷，反而增加敵視心態。

台 灣需要的是自我反思、是全面開放、全方位的找尋機會。但是經濟政治奇蹟所型塑台灣民眾的優越感，卻成了妨礙台灣再升級、再進步的絆腳石，不願正視中國大陸 所提供的機遇，視大陸為威脅、是負面示範，無法以務實和虛心的精神，學習大陸正面向上的經驗，進而尋求共同合作、共同築夢，這將流失了台灣再起飛的大好機 會。

蔡英文重任黨主席之後的首要課題，就是面對並處理台灣民眾這種虛幻的優越感，不揚棄這種優越感，台灣社會就不可能做到蔡英文近來一直強調的了解中國、認識中國。