One Country, Two Systems and Taiwan Consciousness

One Country, Two Systems and Taiwan Consciousness
China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
March 5th, 2015

Executive Summary: Legally and realistically, we already define Taiwan and the Mainland as a "one country, two regions". These two regions have their own jurisdictions and their own political systems. This already is a form of "one country, two systems." If we define the cross-Strait status quo as the Taiwan version of "one country, two systems", then Taiwan consciousness and one country, two systems can be integrated.

Full Text Below:

The Sunflower Student Movement and nine in one election campaign have led to rapid changes in cross-Strait relations, and significantly increased uncertainty. Zhang Nianchi, director of the Shanghai Institute of East Asian Affairs, recently wrote, "The rapid development of cross-Strait relations, and the acceleration of the integration process, has been artificially demagogued and exaggerated. This has frightened many on Taiwan. The public on Taiwan is probably unprepared for this. Cross-Strait relations have shifted opposing independence to resisting reunification.” Zhang Nianchi was chief aid to the first ARATS chief Wang Daohan. He has been studying cross-Strait issues for over 30 years. He fully understands how the public on Taiwan thinks, and hit the nail squarely on the head.

The changes on Taiwan reflect intense reactions to one country, two systems and Taiwan consciousness. Zhang Nianchi said that Mainland goodwill has exerted tremendous pro-reunification pressure. Ironically six years of peaceful cross-Strait relations have provoked a powerful backlash. People on Taiwan are afraid. Young people unprepared for reunification are uneasy. Taiwan independence politicians used opposition to the STA as an excuse to launch the Sunflower Student Movement, an anti-[Mainland] China student movement, social movements, and citizens movements. They have reinforced the notion that “Taiwan's future must be decided by 23 million people on Taiwan”. This "Taiwan consciousness" has been amplified and currently resonates throughout society. Zhang Nianchi said that faced with these "new situations and new problems," both sides are waiting to see how Xi Jinping reacts.

Last May, when Xi Jinping met with James Soong, he advanced his "Four Constants" concept. He reaffirmed the status quo in cross-Strait relations. In September, he extended a rare invitation to pro-reunification advocates. He presented a unified system, saying that, "Peaceful reunification and one country, two system is not merely the solution to the Taiwan problem, it is also the best way to achieve national unity." The Mainland has not emphasized peaceful reunification and one country, two system for some time. As a result, Xi's statement provoked an intense reaction on Taiwan. It provoked fears that Mainland China was changing its policy of peaceful development. But Zhang Nianchi clarified. He said reunification was of course Xi Jinping's bottom line. Therefore the strategic ambiguity that has prevailed for so long needed clarification. But Xi also made a clear distinction between the "Taiwan Version of one country, two systems" and the Hong Kong or Macao versions. Taiwan need not worry about political changes in Hong Kong, he said.

Last year the Sunflower Student Movement touched off a wave of anti-[Mainland] China, anti-reunification sentiment, as well as intensified Taiwan consciousness. This, along with the Occupy Central movement in Hong Kong, forced Xi Jinping to restate Beijing's policy more clearly and firmly.

DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen gleefully declared that Taiwan independence has already become a "natural ingredient" for the younger generation. President Ma's six year long policy has come to an abrupt end. Cross-Strait relations are now stagnant. The result was last year's nine in one election debacle for the KMT. Expectations are that the Mainland's Taiwan policy will become increasingly clear and firm.

One country, two systems has been stigmatized. "Today Hong Kong, Tomorrow Taiwan", has become a deceptive slogan calculated to frighten the public on Taiwan. Some conflate Taiwan consciousness with Taiwan independence in order to oppose Mainland China. If we allow Taiwan consciousness and one country, two systems to be mischaracterized and distorted, the two sides will collide head on, like freight trains. The result will be disaster for cross-Strait relations, and disaster for the public on Taiwan. The two sides must seek a new understanding. One country, two systems must merge with Taiwan consciousness and mutual tolerance. One country, two systems must merge with Taiwan consciousness to avoid a disaster for the Chinese nation.

The core meaning of Taiwan consciousness is that the people on Taiwan must be their own masters. The existing ROC constitutional framework represents our values. Even some in the green camp understand and affirm this. Taiwan consciousness means defending Taiwan's values and institutions, so that the people on Taiwan remain their own masters. If one country, two systems can integrate this, affirm the existing constitutional order, and the existing social system, then Taiwan consciousness and one country, two systems can merge. Once one country, two systems can establish a link with Taiwan consciousness, the two systems can then merge.

Professor Chen Kongli, a Taiwan expert with the Taiwan Research Institute at Xiamen University, recently published an article on the rise of Taiwan consciousness. Chen said the Mainland should respect the differences, tolerate the differences, and acknowledge the differences. It should not attempt to eradicate the differences. Instead, it should maintain normal exchanges and contacts, increase consensus and mutual trust. It should work with those on Taiwan toward the peaceful development of cross-Strait relations. It should link "identification with Taiwan" with "identification with China”, such that one country, two systems can include mainstream Taiwan consciousness.

Zhang Nianchi said that Xi Jinping revisited one country, two systems because he hopes to establish a new model distinct from the one country, two systems model for Hong Kong and Macao. That was why he specifically proposed the "three adequacies" concept. This concept includes a one country, two systems model that adequately accounts for the realities of Taiwan, that adequately responds to views and proposals from both sides, that adequately protects the interests of Taiwan compatriots. Zhang Nianchi said the Taiwan model for one country, two systems would "allow the maintenance of the status quo." We agree with Director Zhang. We on Taiwan must free ourselves from the stereotype of one country, two systems, and together with the Mainland, establish a new understanding of "peaceful reunification, one country, two systems."

In fact, legally and realistically, we already define Taiwan and the Mainland as a "one country, two regions". These two regions have their own jurisdictions and their own political systems. This already is a form of "one country, two systems." If we define the cross-Strait status quo as the Taiwan version of "one country, two systems", then Taiwan consciousness and one country, two systems can be integrated.

社評－一國兩制與台灣主體性
2015年03月05日 04:10
本報訊

太陽花運動及九合一選舉造成兩岸關係急遽變化，不確定因素大幅增加，上海東亞研究所所長章念馳心所謂危，最近發表文章，認為「兩岸關係快速發展，融合進程加快，被人為挑唆、放大後，一定程度上嚇到了廣大台灣民眾，台灣民眾也許根本沒有作好這樣準備，兩岸關係已從『反獨』走向了『拒統』。」我們認為，作為首屆海協會長汪道涵的主要幕僚，研究兩岸問題超過30年的章所長對台灣民心趨向觀察深刻，切中要害。

台灣的變化具體反映在一國兩制與台灣主體意識的激烈激盪，章念馳指出，大陸的善意卻變成了統一的巨大壓力，反讓平靜了6年多的兩岸關係出現了強烈的反彈。台獨人士害怕了，沒有作好統一準備的年輕人不安了，他們以反服貿為藉口，掀起了太陽花學運，一場反中的學運、社運、公運被一群台獨政客點燃了起來。台灣前途要由2300萬台灣人來決定為核心的「台灣主體意識」也因此被喚起強化，在社會引起共鳴。章念馳說，面對這「新情況、新問題」，兩岸都翹首以待，看習近平會怎麼去解決這些難題。

去年5月習近平會見了宋楚瑜，簡單表達了「四個不會變」概念，重申兩岸關係現狀，到了9月卻罕見地邀請統派來訪，系統論述了他的統一觀：「和平統一、一國兩制是解決台灣問題的基本方針，也是實現國家統一的最佳方式。」由於大陸久已不再強調和平統一、一國兩制，習近平的表態在台灣引起強烈的反應，擔憂大陸將改變和平發展基調。但章念馳指出，統一雖然是習近平治國理念的政策底線，決將長期以來的某種戰略模糊，變得清晰可辨，但他也提出了「一國兩制台灣版」與香港或澳門版本內涵不同的概念，台灣不必因香港政改事件而憂心。

可以這樣說，去年太陽花學運掀起的反中拒統浪潮，以及伴隨著被喚起並獲得強化的台灣主體意識，加上香港占中運動的激盪，讓習近平的政策底線更加清晰而堅定。

另外一方面，民進黨主席蔡英文還喜孜孜地說，台獨已經變成了年輕世代的「天然成分」。馬總統推行6年的和中政策則被迫戛然而止，兩岸關係開始陷入「沉悶」狀態，其效應多少造就了去年底九合一選舉國民黨的大潰敗，預期未來，大陸對台政策底線也會愈來愈清晰而堅定。

其實一國兩制已被汙名化，「今天香港，明日台灣」已成扭曲事實、恐嚇台灣民眾的口號；有些人則把台灣主體意識解讀成台獨意識來對抗中國。如果任由遭曲解的台灣主體意識和遭扭曲的一國兩制這兩部火車正面對撞，將是兩岸的災難，也是台灣人民的災難。兩岸應該尋求新的論述，把一國兩制與台灣主體意識連結起來，相互包容，一國兩制要包容台灣主體意識才能避免中華民族的災難。

台灣主體意識最核心的內涵就是台灣人民要當家作主，台灣現行的憲政制度就是我們的價值所在，包括部分綠營人士對此亦有體會與肯定。台灣主體性就是捍衛台灣的價值觀和制度，讓台灣人當家做主。如果一國兩制的「兩制」能夠將此包容進來，確認台灣現行憲政、社會制度的不變，一國兩制與台灣主體意識就會建立連結。一旦一國兩制與台灣主體意識建立有機連結關係，也就是兩種制度融一的起點。

另一位大陸資深台灣專家、廈門大學台灣研究院教授陳孔立最近也發表文章指出，大陸面對台灣主體意識崛起，若能尊重差異，包容差異，正確地面對差異，不要提出聚同化「異」之類的主張，而是通過自然交流交往，增進共識，增進互信，在共同建構兩岸關係和平發展的進程中，朝著「認同台灣」與「認同中國」互相聯接的方向發展，如此一國兩制就能包容台灣主流意識。

章念馳說，習近平重提一國兩制是希望創造新模式，不同於港澳的一國兩制，所以才特別提出「三個充分」，即一國兩制在台灣的具體實現形式會充分考慮台灣現實情況，充分吸收兩岸各界意見和建議，是能充分照顧台灣同胞利益的安排。章念馳認為台灣模式的一國兩制「說到底是允許維護現狀」。我們同意章所長所說，台灣應該擺脫對一國兩制的刻板印象，需要重新認識並與大陸共同創造新的「和平統一、一國兩制」。

其實，法理與現實上我們把台灣與大陸視為「一國兩區」，兩區各有治權，體制不同，這就是某種形式的「一國兩制」。若把兩岸現狀當成台版「一國兩制」的雛型，台灣主體意識與一國兩制就可以連結上了。