United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
July 9, 2015
Executive Summary: Hung Hsiu-chu and the KMT are not getting along. Friction persists. First of all “nativist” factions threatened to jump ship. Then party leaders demanded that in her discussions of cross-Strait policy, Hung Hsiu-chu revert to the language used in the KMT party platform. Finally, the DPP and PFP pounced on every opportunity to make trouble. As a result, Hung Hsiu-chu's poll numbers have fallen. The KMT and the Hung Hsiu-chu campaign must find a modus vivendi.
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Hung Hsiu-chu and the KMT are not getting along. Friction persists. First of all “nativist” factions threatened to jump ship. Then party leaders demanded that in her discussions of cross-Strait policy, Hung Hsiu-chu revert to the language used in the KMT party platform. Finally, the DPP and PFP pounced on every opportunity to make trouble. As a result, Hung Hsiu-chu's poll numbers have fallen. The KMT and the Hung Hsiu-chu campaign must find a modus vivendi.
The KMT Central Standing Committee approved Hung Hsiu-chu as its presidential candidate 20 days ago. Yet the KMT and the Hung campaign are still not on the same page. Interaction between the two remains troubled. The party has yet to campaign in earnest on behalf of Hung Hsiu-chu. It refuses to treat her as the official KMT candidate. Meanwhile Hung Hsiu-chu remains stuck in the primaries stage, when she made her breakthrough. She does not seem to realize she must offer a more inclusive strategy in order to win wider public support. If Hung Hsiu-chu cannot make her own political party feel at ease, how can she make voters feel at ease?
On the other hand, Hung Hsiu-chu's One China, Same Interpretation formulation has provoked an uproar. Actually, attacks from outside the party were rare. Skeptics within the party were abundant. In fact, it is much ado about nothing. Does Eric Chu really not know whether Hung Hsiu-chu is red or blue? Yet as soon as outsiders attack, the entire party goes into a panic. Hung Hsiu-chu is merely defending the Republic of China. She is merely defending orthodoxy and peace for Taiwan. She may use different terminology than the party traditionally uses. She may be guilty of an occasional slip of the tongue. Something she said may be misinterpreted. But if so, the KMT should help clarify any misunderstanding, not kick her when she is down. Yet back-stabbing from within the party persists. Eric Chu has urged Ma Ying-jeou to "talk Hung Hsiu-chu down". Clearly the chasm between the party leadership and the Hung camp remains wide, and trust between the two remains scarce. Clearly the KMT lacks the will to fight, and still has its finger in the wind.
The KMT may be a political party with a short memory. But the rest of us remember quite well. Back in May Wu Den-yih, Wang Jin-pyng, and Eric Chu declared they would not run. Observers were alarmed. Blue camp supporters were shocked. Later, amid cries that "The A List candidates are too afraid to run", Hung Hsiu-chu, a "B List candidate" broke through. She rallied blue camp supporters. She touched their hearts. She generated real political momentum. Now the Kuomintang would destroy this achievement. Or else it has other expedients in mind. Is this not the epitome of ignorance?
Hung Hsiu-chu got a late start. Therefore she must not employ the KMT's traditional campaign tactics. Those call for carefully structured and beautifully packaged rhetoric. Instead, she must adopt guerrilla tactics. She must emphasize her unique character. She must score victories through unconventional warfare. In this case, she and the Kuomintang can adopt different methods of campaigning. One is "gear mode". For this, the Hung campaign must be on the same page as the party platform. There cannot be the slightest error. Otherwise if the gears become stuck, the campaign will falter. Another is "building block mode". The party and the candidate can complement each other, echo each other, fill in for each other. They can adopt a looser approach. They can play off each other, and not fuss over whether they are reciting the same mantra, word for word.
Consider cross-Strait policy. Hung Hsiu-chu has adopted a more proactive approach toward cross-Strait relations. She has offered a number of new ideas. But her terminology departs from traditional KMT usage, making it susceptible to exaggeration and vilification by her political enemies. Such issues are easy to obfuscate, but difficult to explain to the public in a succinct manner. In such cases, Hung Hsiu-chu must adopt a " gear mode" and speak with the same voice as the party, so as not to affect the KMT legislative campaigns. Meanwhile, on other issues, the KMT is often overly cautious and colorless. On these issues, Hung Hsiu-chu's straight shooting style may win the support of different demographics.
Lest we forget, in any election, the ruling party is always the one under attack. The Ma administration today is defenseless. If the KMT clings to its traditional style of defense, and demands that Hung Hsiu-chu comply with the party's red tape and rules, she will be utterly hamstrung. Worse still, the DPP and PFP are looking on, ready to pounce. If the KMT fails to formulate its own campaign strategy, outside provocations and inside gripes will leave the party frightened and in disarray. That will not help the campaign in any way. If the party imposes too many internal restrictions, if it openly points the finger at Hung Hsiu-chu. if it publicly derides the Hung Hsiu-chu camp, that will only undermine Hung's image as a straight shooter and sabotage the party's own chances of victory.
How much potential Hung Hsiu-chu has remains to be seen. The KMT refuses to support this female leader who is preparing to do battle. That is far more worrisome. Party members are even stabbing her in the back. Yet the party leadership does nothing. If this is the party's attitude, how can Hung Hsiu-chu possibly increase her poll numbers? Both the party and the Hung campaign must increase cooperation by immediately establishing smooth and efficient channels of communication.
先是一些本土派嚷著要跳船， 後是黨中央要求洪秀柱的兩岸政策回歸黨綱口徑， 再加上民進黨與親民黨不斷見縫插針， 導致洪秀柱最近民調呈下滑跡象。對此， 國民黨和洪秀柱陣營都有調整步伐之必要。
雙方還在為「口徑」問題爭執不下，可見雙方互動之不順暢。 在黨的方面，至今未見為洪秀柱展開任何輔選部署， 似乎仍未認真將她當成國民黨的參選人；在洪秀柱方面， 則似仍停留在初選破磚的振奮中， 未慮及此時要拿出更開闊的戰略思維，以爭取更廣大的民眾支持。 試想，洪秀柱如果不能使自己即將代表出征的政黨感到放心， 她如何能讓選民放心？
其實來自外部的攻擊者少，來自黨內的質疑者多， 這根本就是庸人自擾。朱立倫會不知道洪秀柱的內心是「紅的」 還是「藍的」嗎？但一被外界攻擊，整個黨就亂了手腳。事實上， 洪秀柱主張的，就是要捍衛「中華民國」 的正統以及台灣的和平發展；儘管她的用詞和黨的傳統語彙不同， 有時因失言或多言遭到曲解，國民黨應該做的是幫她梳理及澄清， 而不是對她落井下石。但從黨內雜音不斷， 及朱立倫促請馬英九出馬邀洪秀柱懇談看， 不僅反映了黨中央和洪陣營之間的溝通和互信薄弱， 也看出國民黨的戰鬥意志依舊渙散，瞻顧猶疑。
五月間吳敦義、王金平、朱立倫相繼宣布放棄參選，外界一片譁然， 藍營支持者更是失望到無以復加；其後，在「Ａ咖怯戰」聲中， 洪秀柱以「Ｂ咖」之姿破磚成玉， 好不容易凝聚起藍軍支持者的向心，形成一股氣勢。這樣的機遇， 國民黨如果還想輕率把它毀掉，或以為還有其他「彼可取而代之」 的蹊徑可走，豈非愚昧之至？
她的競選手法應該不必再遵循國民黨傳統的「古法釀製」， 要求政見結構嚴謹、包裝精美的長篇大論；而應採游擊策略， 發揮個人特色，出奇兵制勝。在這種情況下，她和國民黨的磨合， 便可以有兩種不同模式：一種是「齒輪模式」： 參選人和黨的政綱必須密切契合，不容有絲毫差錯；否則， 齒輪一旦咬合不順而卡死，即難以動彈。另一種則是「積木模式」： 黨和參選人在可以互相彌補、呼應、增色的地方， 採取比較鬆散的堆疊手法互相襯托拉抬氣勢， 而不必錙銖必較其口徑是否一致。
其實有些新意。但她的語彙建構不同於傳統國民黨的論述， 很容易遭到對手加以利用，或誇大醜化；對於這類易於夾纏的議題， 由於短時間內不容易向民眾解釋清楚的事，洪秀柱宜採取「 齒輪模式」，和黨的論述統一口徑和立場， 以免影響立法委員的戰局。相對的，在其他議題上， 國民黨許多政策論述往往四平八穩到欠缺特色可言， 這些領域也許就可以讓洪秀柱以其直白潑辣的方式發揮， 以爭取不同群眾的支持。
在馬政府已經無力招架的情況下，如果國民黨仍採取傳統守勢， 要求洪秀柱方方面面都要遵守黨的口徑， 以國民黨的繁文縟節與條條框框，洪秀柱幾無施展空間。 更令人擔心的是，在民進黨與親民黨虎視眈眈、見縫插針的情況下， 如果國民黨不設想好自己的選戰策略， 時不時即因對手的挑激及內部的怨言而張皇失措，自亂陣腳， 那就沒有為選情加分的可能。而如果設置太多內部規範， 或在缺乏溝通的情況下就公開指控或放話揶揄洪秀柱陣營踰矩， 恐只會磨掉小辣椒原有的直白、生猛魅力， 那也是平白耗掉自己的勝算。
是國民黨內部還沒有準備好要如何輔選這位即將披藍袍出征的女將， 甚至有人不時扯她後腿，而黨中央卻袖手旁觀不加阻止。 如果是這種態度，洪秀柱的民調豈有拉升的可能？ 雙方加強磨合的第一步， 應是先建立一個暢通有效的直接聯繫管道吧！