Three Things Wang Jin-pyng Can Do for the KMT

Three Things Wang Jin-pyng Can Do for the KMT
United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 15, 2015

Executive Summary: Eric Chu went south to persuade "nativist faction" party members not to leave the party. Hung Hsu-chu has reverted to using the low key One China, Different Interpretations phrasing. Wang Jin-pyng has ordered grassroots party members in Kaohsiung not to sign a "Stop Hung Hsiu-chu" petition being circulated. He has said party unity comes first. These three developments show that the KMT is attempting to prevent the party's disintegration, and is attempting to unite behind a common goal. Wang Jin-pyng has finally asked supporters to exercise restraint. This is a development worth noting.

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Eric Chu went south to persuade "nativist faction" party members not to leave the party. Hung Hsu-chu has reverted to using the low key One China, Different Interpretations phrasing. Wang Jin-pyng has ordered grassroots party members in Kaohsiung not to sign a "Stop Hung Hsiu-chu" petition being circulated. He has said party unity comes first. These three developments show that the KMT is attempting to prevent the party's disintegration, and is attempting to unite behind a common goal. Wang Jin-pyng has finally asked supporters to exercise restraint. This is a development worth noting.

On the 19th, the KMT will hold its National Party Congress. Will Hung Hsiu-chu's nomination be disrupted by internal dissent and physical altercations? The outside world really does not care. If the party descends into chaos, yet presents a united front to the world, it will merely provoke laughter. Are KMT members really indifferent to their own party's image, future, and rise or fall? Do they really think they can capriciously sing a different tune, undermine party unity, or even walk out? If so, do they really think they can still win public support? More importantly, what will happen if they are afraid to fight? If they desert the party? If they undermine party unity? The KMT is hanging on by its nails. If the party can unite, and acknowledge its plight in the larger scheme of things, it might be able to reverse its political fortunes.

The attention of the outside world is focused on the party leaders and Hung Hsu-chu. But Wang Jin-pyng is also in a pickle. Wang Jin-pyng is 74. Yet he still has political ambitions. He has forfeited the opportunity to run for president in 2016. But the KMT is in trouble. If Wang Jin-pyng plays his hand as party unifier well, he can resolve his own embarrassment and also prevent the Kuomintang from disintegrating. If he does this, he can change his political legacy in one stroke of the pen. Given current conditions, Wang Jin-pyng can do at least three things for the KMT.

One. He can publicly call on nativist factions to cease their rebellion and defection from the party. He can call on them to unite in the face of the 2016 presidential and legislative elections. Some nativist faction members reacted spontaneously. Some expressed dissatisfaction with the Ma government. But Wang Jin-pyng is their leader. If he issues a public statement, this motley crew will inevitably fall in line. Wang Jin-pyng has repeatedly declared his loyalty to the party, even though his party membership was revoked for influence peddling. He remains determined to fight to the end. Now that the KMT finds itself in dire straits, he can issue a clarion call to supporters. A simple task. Is there any reason to hesitate?

Two. Wang Jin-pyng must take part in the regional legislative elections. He must seek a 6th consecutive term as Legislative Yuan Speaker. The Kuomintang Party Constitution stipulates that legislators without portfolio can serve only two consecutive terms. During the last election this rule was amended to make a special exception for Wang Jin-pyng. If this rule is violated again and again, it ceases to be a rule at all. Wang Jin-pyng is Legislative Yuan Speaker. He is familiar with legislative business. No one else compares. If he loses his position as speaker because he is not nominated as legislator without portfolio, that will amount to more than a personal loss. It will also constitute a major loss for the KMT. Under the circumstances, Wang Jin-pyng must run in the regional legislative elections. This will ensure the continuation of his political career. The KMT must respect his wishes. It must make appropriate arrangements for his candidacy and campaign on his behalf. It must ensure that he is re-elected.

Three. Wang Jin-pyng's re-election to the Legislative Yuan is the goal. An even more important goal for the KMT is retaining a majority in the Legislative Yuan. Only then can it succeed. Wang Jin-pyng's next move remains unknown. Will he incite the nativist faction and pro-Wang faction? Will that lead to blue camp members jumping ship? If Wang is involved in regional legislative elections, he should be able to generate a coat tails effect. At the very least he can help the blue camp resolve its internal divisions and overcome its fear of fighting. If the KMT revises its party constitution to ensure that he becomes a legislator without portfolio, it will undermine his presidential dreams. He will yet again miss a golden opportunity.

In recent months rumors have emerged regarding a Soong/Wang ticket or Wang/Soong ticket. Wang Jin-pyng is too shrewd to believe either. Once he takes that step, Wang Jin-pyng will self-destruct. His vows of "party loyalty" will be discredited. He is likely to blacken the final four decades of his political career. Such a move would obviously not be worth the price paid

Despite four decades in politics, Wang Jin-pyng's legacy remains unsettled, mainly due to suspicions of black gold corruption, his nativist orientation, and his politlcal trickery. The result? His image remains that of a stereotypical nativist politician. He may be able to win the support of nativist factions within the Kuomintang. He may even win friends across the blue-green divide. But his love of ambiguity makes it difficult for the new generation of comrades with political principles to identify with him. In any event, time is running out. Wang Jin-pying's choices are limited. The Kuomintang has its back to the cliff. This is a critical moment. Wang Jin-pyng can change not just his own image, but his legacy within the KMT. It's ironic. Wang Jin-pyng now has a chance to contribute to the party, even more than Ma Ying-jeou. The question is whether he realizes it.

In February, Eric Chu decided not to continue his lawsuit against Wang Jin-pyng. He did so for the sake of party unity. This stopped the hemorraging. Wang Jin-pyng now has a chance to repay this goodwill gesture. As a veteran politician, he should behave accordingly. He should facilitate rather than attempt to obstruct Hung, especially after shouting so many times that "Duty commands me!"

王金平可以為國民黨做的三件事

2015-07-15聯合報

朱立倫南下會晤本土派安撫退黨潮，洪秀柱兩岸立場低調回到一中各表，王金平則對高雄基層黨員發動「卡柱連署書」下達禁簽令，要求以團結為重。這三線發展，說明國民黨正在分頭收拾崩散的局面，設法凝聚共同的目標。王金平終於出手要求支持者克制，值得矚目。

國民黨十九日的全代會，是否能在沒有雜音及鬧場的情況下通過洪秀柱的提名，外界其實並不在意。如果黨內離心離德，對外卻要強作團結一心狀，反而讓人覺得可笑。如果國民黨員對自己政黨的形象、前途、興衰絲毫不以為意，覺得可以任意唱反調、扯後腿、甚至拂袖而去，這樣的政黨如何贏得人民支持？重要的是，歷經怯戰、退黨、磨合數波衝擊，國民黨已處在危崖邊緣，此時，黨員若能齊心正視大局，未來才有止跌回升的可能。

正當外界把所有焦點放在黨中央和洪秀柱身上，其實，王金平也處於一個特殊的「解鈴」位置。今年七十四歲的王金平，仍有廉頗未老之志。儘管角逐二○一六總統大位的機會已失，但以今天國民黨的處境，王金平若能善用他的圓熟手腕扮演黨內的黏著劑，不僅能化解自己找不到戰場的尷尬，也能挽救國民黨分崩離析的處境；果真如此的話，自將有助於為王金平的爭議政治生涯寫下決定性的一筆。以目前的情勢看，王金平可以為國民黨做的事情至少有三：

第一，公開呼籲本土派停止造反或退黨行動，團結面對二○一六的總統及立委選舉。儘管有些本土派的造反是出於個人自發行為，或者是針對馬政府之不滿而來，但以王金平本土派的龍頭地位，一旦公開喊話，各路散兵游勇必然聽命歸隊。王金平屢次宣示是忠誠黨員，即使因關說案遭到撤銷黨籍，也不惜一切要力爭到底；如今國民黨面臨危殆，他站出來向支持者登高一呼，不過是舉手之勞，還有什麼好猶豫的？

第二，王金平應該選擇參加區域立委選舉，並藉此尋求立法院長的六連任。依國民黨黨章規定，不分區立委只能連任一次；上屆選舉，這條規則已經為王金平破例作了修改，此例若一破再破，即不成規定。然而，以王金平久任議長之尊，嫻熟議事、縱橫捭闔無人能及；若因未獲不分區提名而失去院長寶座，不僅是他個人損失，對國民黨更是重大損失。在這種情況下，王金平唯有參加區域立委選舉，才能延續政治生命；而國民黨必須尊重王金平的意願，為他作出最適當的選區安排並傾力輔選，務必助其當選。

第三，王金平的參選除以爭取連任立法院長為目標，更應爭取維持國民黨在立法院的多數席次，才有可能達陣。王金平的動向至今不明，除引發本土派及擁王派的騷動，更造成藍軍的跳船潮；他若參與區域立委選舉，應能發揮不少「母雞帶小雞」的作用，至少化解藍軍當下的分裂及怯戰危機。但他如果依然要等國民黨為他再修黨綱以便參與不分區，其結局，可能和他的總統夢一樣，再度毀於錯失良機。

近月來幾度傳出「宋王配」或「王宋配」的消息，以王金平的智慧，傳聞應無可能成真。因為，只要跨出那一步，王金平不僅將自毀「忠黨」的誓言，最後更可能使他縱橫政壇四十年的英名以長黑作收，顯然得不償失。

四十年的政治生涯，王金平的角色至今仍然爭議未定。主要原因是，他的黑金傳聞、本土色彩及長袖善舞，使他的形象一直無法從傳統鄉土政治人物的窠臼中破繭而出。即使是在國民黨內，他雖獲有本土派的全力支持，甚至以超乎尋常的交友手段贏得跨藍綠的人和，但他喜好行走於曖昧地帶的作風，讓懷有現代政黨政治理念的新世代同志對他難以認同。但無論如何，時間能給王金平的選擇已經不多，而形勢對國民黨的壓迫也已來到懸崖邊上；在這關鍵時刻，王金平可以做點真實的事改變自己的形象，也改變自己在國民黨的歷史定位。說來諷刺，王金平此刻可以為黨貢獻力氣的機會，似乎還比馬英九多一點，問題就在他懂不懂得把握。

二月間，朱立倫決定王金平的黨籍案不再上訴，這是為了黨的團結，至少是為了止血；這個善意，王金平今天也許有機會回報一下。作為一個身經百戰的政治人物，要顯示自己真正的分量，應該是用來「促成」，而不是用來「阻擋」；尤其，在喊了那麼多次「義不容辭」之後。