Renounce Taiwan Independence: Ensure Cross-Strait Stability and Constitutional Rule

Renounce Taiwan Independence: Ensure Cross-Strait Stability and Constitutional Rule
China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 3, 2015

Executive Summary: In order to achieve her dream of power, DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen has pledged to "maintain the status quo". But what does she mean by the status quo? How does she intend to maintain it? She refuses to explain. First of all, we must mention the DPP's 1991 Taiwan Independence Party Platform, and the DPP's 2007 Resolution on Taiwan's Future. We would like Tsai Ing-wen to tell us where she stands on these two documents. Obviously for Tsai Ing-wen, ambiguity is the best policy. But ambiguity is is hardly the best policy for 23 million people on Taiwan and the Republic of China. As long as the DPP refuses to renounce Taiwan independence, constitutional rule and stable cross-Strait relations will remain impossible. If Tsai really believes we must maintain the status quo, then she must explain the yawning chasm between the Taiwan Independence Party Platform and maintaining the status quo.

Full Text Below:

In order to achieve her dream of power, DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen has pledged to "maintain the status quo". But what does she mean by the status quo? How does she intend to maintain it? She refuses to explain. First of all, we must mention the DPP's 1991 Taiwan Independence Party Platform, and the DPP's 2007 Resolution on Taiwan's Future. We would like Tsai Ing-wen to tell us where she stands on these two documents. Obviously for Tsai Ing-wen, ambiguity is the best policy. But ambiguity is is hardly the best policy for 23 million people on Taiwan and the Republic of China. As long as the DPP refuses to renounce Taiwan independence, constitutional rule and stable cross-Strait relations will remain impossible. If Tsai really believes we must maintain the status quo, then she must explain the yawning chasm between the Taiwan Independence Party Platform and maintaining the status quo.

What is the Taiwan Independence Party Platform? Why must we deal with it? To answer this question, we must examine the original text of the Taiwan Independence Party Platform. The Taiwan Independence Party Platform is an amendment passed in October 1991 by the DPP plenary session. Its goal is the "founding of a sovereign and independent Republic of Taiwan". It openly proclaims that "Taiwan's sovereignty and independence does not belong to the People's Republic of China", and that "Taiwan's sovereignty does not extend to the Chinese mainland. This is an historical fact. This is the status quo. This is the consensus of the international community."It argues therefore that "Taiwan should found a nation based on the fact that it is sovereign and independent." The platform criticizes the KMT position, claiming that it "runs counter to a realistic approach to Taiwan's sovereignty", that it "makes participation in the international community impossible". The Taiwan Independence Party Platform clearly states the DPP's intent "to found a new nation and author a new constitution consistent with the reality of Taiwan's sovereignty and independence". It calls for "redefining the nation's boundaries and jurisdiction in accordance with perceptions of reality on Taiwan, such that the two sides of the Taiwan Strait will relate to each other according with international law and protect the interests of people on both sides."

The Taiwan Independence Party Platform stresses the need for a "social community based in Taiwan. The curriculum for compulsory education must be changed to make it consistent with the principle of cultural pluralism. Therefore the people's country, society, and cultural identity can mature naturally, leading to a national consciousness consistent with reality". Public opinion motivated party moderates to propose an amendment. They said the founding of an independent nation and the authoring of a new constitution "should be decided through a public referendum involving everyone on Taiwan". In other words, they wanted a public referendum to forstall demands for immediate Taiwan independence. Despite this amendment, the Taiwan Independence Party Platform reeks of Taiwan independence ideology. During the National Assembly election later that year, the Democratic Progressive Party won only 23.3% of the vote, and suffered an unprecedented defeat.

In response to the Taiwan Independence Party Platform, we must note the following. One. The Taiwan Independence Party Platform is in violation of the existing constitutional framework of the Republic of China. As we all know, the ROC Constitution and its amendments are the backbone of the existing constitutional framework. They stipulate that until the nation is reunified, the two sides' have "overlapping sovereignty but separate jurisdiction". By contrast, the Taiwan Independence Party Platform calls for Taiwan independence, with sovereignty and jurisdiction unrelated to the Mainland. It denounces the ROC Constitution as a "white elephant" and demands the authoring of a new constitution via public referendum. If Tsai Ing-wen expects the international community and the public on Taiwan to believe she actually wants to "maintain the existing constitutional framework", how can she not renounce the Taiwan Independence Party Platform?

Two. The Taiwan Independence Party Platform lags far behind international reality. It defies international consensus. Those who champion the Taiwan Independence Party Platform argue that Taiwan cannot be a part of the international community because it has not founded a nation and authored a constitution. They even argue that Taiwan's sovereignty and independence is the consensus within the international community. Such wishful thinking is woefully out of touch with international reality. Today most nations of the world recognize the One China Principle. Washington's One China Principle differs from Beijing's. But its opposition to Taiwan independence is clear. In October 2004, former US Secretary of State Colin Powell said "Taiwan is not independent, and does not enjoy national sovereignty." US State Department spokesman Adam Ereli stressed that "The Secretary of State's words accurately reflect our long-standing policy on Taiwan's status." This was the clearest repudiation of the Taiwan Independence Party Platform ever offered. Does Tsai Ing-wen truly wish to "maintain the status quo" as defined by the United States? If so, how can she not renounce the Taiwan Independence Party Platform?

Three. The DPP persists in playing deceptive word games. It persists in attempts to implement the Taiwan Independence Party Platform via stealth. The DPP knows full well it cannot change the name of the nation and author a new constitution overnight. But it attempts to implement the Taiwan Independence Party Platform in stages, through other means. For example, it attempts to pass laws that "redefine national boundaries and jurisdiction in accordance with perceptions of reality on Taiwan". These include the Territorial Waters Law. Alleging Taiwan's sovereignty and independence, it invokes One China, One Taiwan and repudiates the 1992 Consensus. It attempts to subsume cross-Strait relations under international law. The green camp applies Taiwan independence spin to school textbooks. The motives behind DPP attempts to "revise the compulsory education curriculum" and create a national consciousness "consistent with the reality of Taiwan's sovereignty and independence" are clear for all to see.

DDP leaders have long referred to the Taiwan Independence Party Platform in the past tense. They say it has been replaced by the Resolution on Taiwan's Future. In fact, the DPP's Taiwan Independence Party Platform is not obsolete. It has not been replaced. Lest we forget, besides the Resolution on Taiwan's Future, the DPP has another, even more radical platform, even more consistent with Taiwan independence -- the 2007 Resolution for a Normal Nation.

Tsai Ing-wen assures us that she wants to "maintain the status quo". But the DPP has yet to renounce the Taiwan Independence Party Platform. It has yet to officially renounce Taiwan independence. That means it still intends to implement the provisions of the platform. It still intends to promote the Rectification of Names, the authoring of a new constitution, and the founding of an independent nation when the opportunity arises. As long as the DPP persists in this, peace in the Taiwan Strait will remain dangerously elusive. Orderly constitutional rule will remain impossible. This is a harsh reality the DPP cannot evade.

Taiwan independence remains the DPP's founding principle and eventual goal. Tsai Ing-wen must realize that cross-Strait relations and orderly constitutional rule are impossible under such conditions. Unless she renounces the Taiwan Independence Party Platform, how can she possibly "maintain the status quo" we have enjoyed for the past seven years?

不放棄台獨 兩岸與憲政如何穩定

2015年07月03日 中國時報

民進黨主席蔡英文為了實現執政夢，承諾「維持現狀」，但什麼是她定義的「現狀」？如何維持「現狀」？卻始終沒有說清楚。首先，我們要提出1991年民進黨的「台獨黨綱」及2007年「台灣前途決議文」兩文件，要求蔡英文說清楚。當然，就蔡英文而言，模糊是眼前最佳策略，但對台灣2300萬民眾及中華民國而言，民進黨一日不處理台獨問題，台灣憲政秩序就不會穩定，兩岸關係就不會穩定。如果蔡英文真的認同台灣必須維持現狀，那就必須說清楚，台獨黨綱與現狀間的政治塹崖要如何攀越？

什麼是台獨黨綱？為什麼必須處理台獨黨綱？討論這個課題，要先回到台獨黨綱原文。台獨黨綱是1991年10月由民進黨全代會通過的黨綱修正案，核心是「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」，表明「台灣主權獨立、不屬於中華人民共和國」「台灣主權不及於中國大陸，既是歷史事實，又是現實狀態，同時也是國際社會之共識。」因此「台灣本應就此主權獨立之事實制憲建國」。黨綱批判國民黨「違背台灣主權現實的作法」，「以致於無法正常參與國際社會」。因此，在台獨黨綱中，不但明白宣示民進黨主張「依照台灣主權現實獨立建國，制定新憲」，同時要「依照台灣主權現實重新界定台灣國家領域主權及對人主權之範圍，使台海兩岸得以依國際法建立往來之法秩序，並保障雙方人民往來時之權益。」

台獨黨綱還強調要「以台灣社會共同體為基礎，依保障文化多元發展原則重新調整國民教育內容，使人民之國家、社會、文化認同自然發展成熟，而建立符合現實之國民意識」。在當時輿論壓力下，黨內溫和派提出了修正但書，稱獨立建國、制定新憲的主張「應交由台灣全體住民以公民投票方式選擇決定」，也就是以公投訴求迴避急獨主張。即使有這樣的修正，台獨黨綱的修正通過還是讓民進黨染上了濃烈的台獨色彩，在該年底國民大會代表選舉中，民進黨只獲得23.3%選票，是空前絕後的大敗。

面對台獨黨綱這份文件，我們無法迴避以下幾點。首先，「台獨黨綱違背中華民國現行憲政體制」。眾所周知，以中華民國憲法及增修條文為骨幹的「現行憲政體制」是立基於「國家統一前」，認定兩岸處於「主權重疊、治權分立」狀態。台獨黨綱卻是主張台灣主權獨立、主權與治權均不及於大陸，同時進一步否定「大而無當」的「中華民國五權憲法體制」，要透過公投手段制定新憲。蔡英文如果真要國際社會和台灣民眾相信「現行憲政體制論」，豈能不廢除台獨黨綱？

其次，「台獨黨綱嚴重落後國際現實，違反國際社會共識」。台獨黨綱認為台灣無法參與國際社會是因為沒有制憲建國，更稱台灣主權獨立是國際社會共識，這樣一廂情願的說法完全和國際現實嚴重脫節。如今，世界上多數國家承認「一個中國」，美國的一個中國政策雖然不同於大陸主張的一個中國原則，但反對台獨的立場相當清楚。2004年10月前美國國務卿鮑爾表示「台灣並沒有獨立，而且，也不享有國家主權。」美國國務院發言人艾瑞里強調「國務卿的用字，準確反映我們長久以來對於台灣地位的政策。」可說是對台獨黨綱相關論述最明確的否定。蔡英文如果真正要貫徹、落實她所謂和美國一致的「維持現狀論」，豈能繼續維持台獨黨綱？

第三，我們更要強烈提醒，「民進黨還在繼續玩弄兩面手法，繼續實踐台獨黨綱。」民進黨深知此時此刻無法正名制憲，但仍利用各種時機逐步實現台獨黨綱，例如試圖通過法律「依照台灣主權現實重新界定台灣國家領域主權及對人主權之範圍」（如領海法），同時以台灣主權獨立、一中一台的概念否定兩岸在九二共識基礎上的交流互動，企圖「使台海兩岸得以依國際法建立往來之法秩序」。另一方面，從綠營製造課綱微調事件上，更可看出民進黨「重新調整國民教育內容」，「建立符合（台灣主權獨立）現實之國民意識」的用心。

長期以來，民進黨人在面對台獨黨綱爭議時，曾經用「過去式」說、或者「被台灣前途決議文取代」說來回應，事實上，台獨黨綱對民進黨來說沒有過時、更沒有被取代，難道大家忘了在台灣前途決議文之後還有一份符合台獨黨綱精神、甚至更為急進、更新的2007年「正常國家決議文」嗎？

蔡英文說要「維持現狀」，但只要台獨黨綱不廢除，讓放棄台獨成為民進黨正式立場，就代表民進黨仍會繼續實踐，會在對其有利時機繼續推動正名制憲建國，台海和平就始終有動盪起伏的危險，憲政秩序就難以穩定，這是一個無從迴避、更不能自欺的事實！

背負著民進黨台獨的創黨理念與實踐目標，蔡英文必須說清楚，兩岸關係與憲政秩序隨時可能陷入動盪不安，7年多以來的「現狀」又要如何維持？