China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
March 9, 2016
Executive Summary: It is time for President-elect Tsai Ing-wen to awaken from her dream. It is time for green camp supporters to abandon their unrealistic fantasies and face reality. May 20, inauguration day, is only two months away. Tsai Ing-wen must behave responsibly. She must tell her supporters the truth. The DPP can persuade the CCP to accept it. But if the DPP refuses to change its cross-Strait policy, Taiwan's 23 million people will be the ones who suffer. During her inaugural address, Tsai must shine a light on cross-Strait relations.
Full Text Below:
It is time for President-elect Tsai Ing-wen to awaken from her dream. It is time for green camp supporters to abandon their unrealistic fantasies and face reality. May 20, inauguration day, is only two months away. Tsai Ing-wen must behave responsibly. She must tell her supporters the truth. The DPP can persuade the CCP to accept it. But if the DPP refuses to change its cross-Strait policy, Taiwan's 23 million people will be the ones who suffer. During her inaugural address, Tsai must shine a light on cross-Strait relations.
After its defeat in the 2012 presidential election, the DPP reviewed its cross-Strait policy. It determined that the key to victory was the final mile. The party began modifying its cross-Strait policy. Some called for freezing the Taiwan independence party platform. But all these demands were shelved by Tsai Ing-wen.
Following the Sunflower Student movement, Tsai Ing-wen told Commonwealth magazine that as long as the DPP emerges victorious in the 2014 nine in one elections, "Even [Mainland] China will accommodate the DPP". Reality shows that even though the DPP routed the KMT in the nine in one elections, the CCP did not throw open its doors to the DPP.
Tsai Ing-wen did not mind of course. Even though the DPP refused to change its cross-Strait policy platform, it won the presidential and legislative elections anyway, and now enjoys “total government”. Tsai Ing-wen remains indifferent to cross-Strait policy. She refuses to recognize the 1992 Consensus. She is willing only to admit the historical fact that a consensus was reached in 1992. She evades any discussion of the significance of that consensus. She clings to her dream that as long as she wins the election, the CCP will accommodate the DPP.
Objective reality is not going to change to conform to our subjective desires. Tsai Ing-wen's subjective fantasies have been shattered. During a visit to the United States, Mainland Foreign Minister Wang Yi spoke of “constitutionalism”. Tsai concluded that the Mainland was changing its Taiwan policy in response to the DPP election victory. This revived the fantasy that as long as the DPP won the election, the CCP would see things its way. This dream was short-lived, as the Mainland soon made clear.
On March 5, Mainland supreme leader Xi Jinping attended the Shanghai People's Congress. Xi said "Our Taiwan policy is clear and consistent. It will not change because the political situation on Taiwan changes". Xi said "Recognize the historical fact of the 1992 Consensus, recognize its core meaning. The two sides will then have a common political basis, one that can ensure positive interaction". Beijing has said these words before. But Xi said them right after the general election on Taiwan. It was the first time Xi Jinping publicly addressed cross-Strait relations. It was the Mainland's definitive response to the election results on Taiwan.
In other words, the DPP may score successive victories in the nine in one local government elections and the two in one central government elections. It may enjoy “total government”. But none of that matters. As Xi Jinping made clear, Beijing's basic policy toward Taiwan will not change. The 1992 Consensus means that Taiwan and the Mainland are both part of one China. That will remain their shared political foundation. Tsai Ing-wen fantasized that as long as the DPP won the election, Beijing would see things their way. That dream has been totally shattered.
Mainland policy toward Taiwan opposes Taiwan independence and “one China, one Taiwan”. It insists on “two sides, one China”. It insists that cross-Strait relations are not international relations. No matter how Taiwan's political situation evolves, Beijing will not waver. If the DPP refuses to change its cross-Strait policy, then cross-Strait relations after 5/20 will definitely be worse. Maintaining the status quo will be impossible.
But a crisis is also an opportunity. The CCP's basic policy toward Taiwan will never change. But its leaders' style is not necessarily static. They may show some flexibility. As long as the two sides can establish mutual trust, they can establish a win-win situation. This is especially true of Xi Jinping, a fifth-generation leader whose door is always open. In fact, this represents a golden opportunity for cross-Strait relations.
In the past, the heads of the Taiwan Affairs Office and Mainland Affairs Council could not address each other by their official titles. When ARATS Chairman Chen Yunlin visited Taiwan, he repeatedly addressed MAC Chairwoman Lai Shin-yuan as "you" or "Shin-yuan", not "Chairman".
This was perceived as a major obstacle to cross-Strait relations, one difficult to overcome. But once Xi Jinping was in power, the other side was willing to address the MAC Chairwoman by her official title. This was entirely unexpected. Soon afterwards the Taiwan Affairs Office and the Mainland Affairs Council established a hotline.
Leaders from the two sides tried to meet when Jiang Zemin and Lee Teng-hui were in office. But the Mainland considered the international situation highly problematic. At one time rumors emerged claiming that Lee and Jiang would meet on a ship in the middle of the Taiwan Strait.
Last year Xi Jinping agreed to meet Ma Ying-jeou in Singapore. For Xi, this constituted a major breakthrough. Singapore was viewed as a third locale, rather than an “international venue”. This was only possible because Xi was willing to throw open the doors to Taiwan.
Measures to facilitate cross-Strait, people to people exchanges played a part. Many have wanted visits to the Mainland from Taiwan to be like going home, with no need to obtain visas.
Xi Jinping listened to these voices. He then proclaimed "two sides, one family”. Xi Jinping had the courage to implement a visa-free policy for Taiwan compatriots. This revealed Xi Jinping's character, his willingness to throw the doors wide open.
President elect Tsai Ing-wen and her supporters must not fly into fits of apoplexy upon seeing their dream shattered. They must adopt a pragmatic attitude. During the 5/20 inaugural speech, Tsai Ing-wen must exercise wisdom. She must affirm the core meaning of the 1992 Consensus. She must acknowledge that both sides of the Strait are part of one China, and that cross-Strait relations are not international relations. She must respond in good faith. Xi Jinping flung the doors open to cross-Strait relations. She must shine a light on this development, and become a force for political progress rather than political reaction.
蔡英文夢醒時分與可能機遇
2016年03月09日 中國時報
現在該是總統當選人蔡英文的夢醒時分了，
2012年總統大選敗選後，
太陽花學運後，蔡英文接受《天下》雜誌專訪時曾說，只要打好20
但蔡英文並不在意，甚至因為沒有調整兩岸政策，
客觀情勢不隨主觀意願而改變，蔡英文的主觀意願果然破碎。
大陸最高領導人習近平3月5日參加人大上海代表團審議時，
換言之，
事實證明，大陸對台大政方針，反對台獨、反對一中一台、
但是危機也會變成轉機，中共對台基本方針固然不會改變，
例如，過去陸委會和國台辦的首長不可能互稱官銜，
當時外界認為這是兩岸關係的一大障礙，難以克服。
再如，兩岸領導人會面，其實在江澤民和李登輝時代就一直想嘗試，
但是，去年習近平同意在新加坡舉行馬習會，這也是習的重大突破，
還有，兩岸人民往來的便利措施，
這些聲音習近平聽進去了，在喊出「兩岸一家親」之後，
希望準總統蔡英文及其支持者，美夢破碎後不必賭氣，
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