China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
May 17, 2016
Executive Summary: For Taiwan, cross-Strait policy is not just another policy. It is the foundation on which the Republic of China rests. It is no exaggeration to call it a matter of life and death. Fail to deal with it wisely, and the ROC's foreign affairs, defense, and economy will all be in jeopardy. How can one afford to be careless? We hope Tsai Ing-wen will promote respect for the Constitution of the Republic of China, as the foundation for cross-Strait relations. We hope the DPP will improve cross-Strait relations and lay a solid foundation for cross-Strait peace. Returning to the constitution is the right path. Forsake your separatist ideas. This is our final reminder to the Tsai Ing-wen government.
Full Text Below:
For Taiwan, cross-Strait policy is not just another policy. It is the foundation on which the Republic of China rests. It is no exaggeration to call it a matter of life and death. Fail to deal with it wisely, and the ROC's foreign affairs, defense, and economy will all be in jeopardy. How can one afford to be careless?
The DPP has long assumed it can rely on the United States to defend it against Mainland China. Leave aside for the moment the new balance of power between Mainland China and the US. Both Beijing and Washington are concerned about security in the Taiwan Strait. The US recently reiterated that it "does not support Taiwan independence". US support for Taiwan has limits. Xi Jinping considers the "1992 Consensus" the determining factor in whether “the earth will move, and the mountains will shake”. Tsai Ing-wen however persists in rejecting the 1992 Consensus. The earth will not necessarily move and the mountains will not necessarily shake after May 20. But cross-Strait relations are likely to remain in a state of danger and uncertainty indefinitely. May 20 will be an important day. At this critical juncture, for the love of Taiwan, we offer the Tsai government a few last minute reminders.
Beijing is not forcing the DPP to accept the term "1992 Consensus" per se. But the DPP must offer an alternative formulation, one that affirms that both sides of the Taiwan Strait are part of one China, and that expresses opposition to Taiwan independence. Therefore Tsai's talk of “maintaining the status quo", of acknowledging the "spirt of 1992" and the "fact of 1992", of abiding by the "Republic of China's existing constitutional framework", are all unacceptable to Beijing. The Tsai Government has only two choices. One. Cling obstinately to its current position, and expect Beijng to launch a battle of willpower and strength on May 20. Two. Seek an alternative and confront cross-Strait relations in a responsible manner.
The DPP refuses to accept the 1992 Consensus because the DPP refuses to recognize the ROC Constitution. National constitutions are generally divided into three parts. Part one expresses the founding spirit. Part two declares sovereignty. Part Three stipulates the nation's jurisdiction. The ROC Constitution was published in 1947. Several changes were made during the Lee and Chen eras, pertaining to jurisdiction. But the constitution remains rooted in Sun Yat-sen's Three Peoples Principles. The territory remains the same, and its sovereignty belongs to all citizens. None of that has changed. In other words, the ROC Constitution represents the whole of China.
In a democratic nation, adherence to the constitution is taken for granted. But on Taiwan, the spirit and principles of the constitution are often destroyed. Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian publicly rejected the founding spirit of the Three Peoples Principles. They publicly advocated "special state to state relations" and "one country on each side". They publicly proclaimed their intention to divide the nation. These men currently receive Republic of China pensions. They wallow in their status as former Republic of China heads of state. They exercised Republic of China governmental authority. Yet they refuse to recognize the legitimacy of their own national government. This is not merely unheared of in history, its is a political and moral outrage, and has left Taiwan in a moral vacuum.
Practically speaking, the DPP has never come to terms with the Republic of China. Biologically speaking, the DPP's “Republic of China” is a parasite living off the real Republic of China. Since the real Republic of China was founded, it conducted the Northern Expedition, fought a war of resistance against Japan, rebuilt Taiwan, ensured Taiwan's security, worked Taiwan's economic miracle, and embarked on the road to democracy. These achievements, in the eyes of Taiwan independence parasites, are nothing more nutrients provided by a host, rather than soil in which a plant may flower. These parasites choose to grovel before Japan whiled spewing venom at Mainland China. Put simply, for these parasites, the Republic of China is nothing more than a host.
This is not the first time the Democratic Progressive Party has been the ruling party. But it is the first time it has enjoyed “total government” status. If the DPP continues to view the ROC as nothing more than a host to a parasite, both will perish. The DPP must see itself as part of the Republic of China. It must switch from parasitism to symbiosis. Only then can both prosper.
If the DPP is able to see this, then cross-Strait relations will no longer be an effort to fill in the sea. It will be as simple as a wave of the hand. The heart of the 1992 Consensus is "refrain from dividing China's sovereignty and territory". This is also stipulated in the ROC Constitution. The DPP need not mention the 1992 Consensus. But it must meet Beijing's demands regarding its meaning. Tsai Ing-wen's only way out is a public declaration that over the next four years, she will faithfully uphold the Constitution of the Republic of China, and promote cultural, educational and cross-Strait relations on that basis.
According to the ROC Constitution, the Democratic Progressive Party, which now enjoys “total government”, must forsake Taiwan independence. The DPP must understand that once it is in power, it no longer enjoys unrestricted freedom of speech, only administrative responsibility. The DPP government must abandon its practice of de-Sinicization. It must solemnly promise the public that it will no longer behave like a parasite. The DPP must forsake its "I Hate China" rhetoric, and enable the two sides to relate in a peaceful and friendly atmosphere.
Maintaining peaceful cross-Strait relations is not difficult. The two sides merely need to acknowledge that they are both part of the whole of China. The benefits of sovereignty will be shared by people on both sides of the Strait. The two governments have a duty to refrain from dividing China's sovereignty and territoriality. On such a basis, the two sides can exercise their jurisdictions in accordance with their respective constitutions. They can respect each other, and refrain from intervention.
We hope Tsai Ing-wen will promote respect for the Constitution of the Republic of China, as the foundation for cross-Strait relations. We hope the DPP will improve cross-Strait relations and lay a solid foundation for cross-Strait peace. Returning to the constitution is the right path. Forsake your separatist ideas. This is our final reminder to the Tsai Ing-wen government.
台灣與中國不能是對立關係
2016年05月17日 中國時報
對台灣而言，兩岸關係絕不僅是眾多政策中的一環，而是國家大政的基礎，稱其為「生死之門、存亡之道」也不為過，未能明智處理，外交、國防、經濟均將陷入險境，豈可不慎？
民進黨一貫認為，可依靠美國對抗中國，暫且不論近年中、美軍力的新平衡關係，台海安全由中、美共管更是兩國的共同政策，這也是美國日前重申「不支持台獨」的原因。在美國有限度支持台灣的情勢下，習近平將「九二共識」視為兩岸是否地動山搖的咒語，蔡英文卻不願改變「反九二共識」立場，520後兩岸關係雖未必立刻地動山搖，長期陷入高風險與高不確定性狀態卻是合理的判斷。5月20日將是一個重要的日子，在此關鍵時刻，我們本諸真道理性真愛台灣精神，要對蔡政府提出最後幾點提醒。
北京未必強求民進黨接受「九二共識」這4個字，但必須提出另外一個「兩岸同屬一中」及「反對台獨」的表述。從這個角度來看，蔡英文目前所強調的「維持現狀」、「九二精神」、「九二事實」、「中華民國現行憲政體制」都無法為北京所接受。蔡英文政府目前只有兩個選擇，一是繼續堅持現有立場，與北京從520後開始一場意志力與實力的對決，二是尋求解套方案，負責任地面對兩岸。
民進黨之所以不願意接受「九二共識」，歸結原因就是民進黨並不認同中華民國憲法。各國憲法的內容大概分為三個部分，一是立國精神，二是主權宣示，三是治權規範。中華民國憲法公布於1947年，經過李、扁時期的多次修改，中華民國的憲政治權體制有了一些改變，但是憲法的立國精神仍是依據孫中山先生的三民主義，領土的宣示範圍仍為固有疆域，主權行使屬於國民全體，並沒有改變，換言之，中華民國憲法是代表全中國的憲法。
對民主國家而言，遵守憲法是天經地義的事，但是在台灣，憲法的精神與原則卻經常遭到破壞。李登輝及陳水扁兩位元首公然否定三民主義的立國精神，公開主張「特殊國與國」與「一邊一國」等分裂主權國土言論，這種食用中華民國俸給，享受國家元首尊崇，行使國家合法權益，卻不認同自己的國家，不僅是歷史上所罕見，更是政治道德的淪喪，也引發台灣民眾價值的混亂。
就政治實務言，民進黨從來沒有真正認同過中華民國。就生物學來看，民進黨之於中華民國更像寄生關係。中華民國從創建、北伐、抗戰，到台灣後的重建，確保台灣安全，創造經濟奇蹟，走上民主道路。這一些偉大的成就，在以台獨為最終目標的一群人眼中看來，只是寄生的養分，而非感恩的土壤。他們不僅要去中國化，還要去中華民國化，為了區隔與大陸的認同，他們選擇媚日與仇中。簡單地說，中華民國對他們而言，只是宿主。
民進黨不是第一次執政，卻是第一次的完全執政。民進黨如果持續地將中華民國視為宿主，其結果一定是兩者俱亡，民進黨唯有將自己也視為中華民國的一部分，從寄生轉念為共生，才可能一榮俱榮。
民進黨如果能夠有這樣的認知，處理兩岸關係就不再是移山填海之難，而是反掌折枝之易。「九二共識」的核心內涵就是「不分裂整個中國的主權及領土」，這也是中華民國憲法的規範。如果不提「九二共識」，但是又要能夠滿足北京對「九二共識」的堅持，蔡英文520談話唯一的一條路，就是向人民宣示，未來4年將忠誠地遵守中華民國憲法，並依據憲法推動國家的文化、教育及兩岸關係。
依照中華民國憲法，已經完全執政的民進黨必須放棄台獨的主張。民進黨必須了解，執政者沒有言論自由，只有依法行政的責任。民進黨政府也應放棄「去中國文化」的做法，這是向社會表明不再為寄生者的莊嚴承諾。也請民進黨放下「仇中」的言論，讓兩岸可以在和平友善的氛圍下發展。
維持兩岸關係的和平發展並不難，兩岸都應該認知到彼此均是整個中國的一部分，主權所帶來的利益為兩岸人民所共享，兩岸政府也應有責任不分裂整個中國的主權及領土。在這樣的基礎上，兩岸各依其憲法，在其領域內行使憲政治權，相互尊重不干預。
期望蔡英文能在尊重中華民國的憲法基礎上推動政務，在兩岸關係上民進黨應該更有機會與能力提升兩岸關係，為兩岸和平發展奠定堅實基礎。回到憲法正途，放棄分裂主張，是我們對蔡英文政府的第一個最後提醒。
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