DPP Complacency, Tsai Ing-wen's Anxiety

DPP Complacency, Tsai Ing-wen's Anxiety
United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC) 
A Translation 
July 19, 2016

Executive Summary: The Democratic Progressive Party has convened its first Party Congress since its return to power. The old party princes have all stepped down and been replaced by younger generation leaders. Outside the venue, party members engaged in lively vote buying. But no one mentioned changing the party platform to read, “The DPP shall maintain the status quo". Tsai Ing-wen however reminded everyone of the difficulties the new regime has encountered since assuming power. She reminded everyone that they need to do more than jockey for positions of power among themselves. The DPP was pleased as punch. Tsai Ing-wen, on the other hand, was anxious. The party and the government were on different pages altogether.

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The Democratic Progressive Party has convened its first Party Congress since its return to power. The old party princes have all stepped down and been replaced by younger generation leaders. Outside the venue, party members engaged in lively vote buying. But no one mentioned changing the party platform to read, “The DPP shall maintain the status quo". Tsai Ing-wen however reminded everyone of the difficulties the new regime has encountered since assuming power. She reminded everyone that they need to do more than jockey for positions of power among themselves. The DPP was pleased as punch. Tsai Ing-wen, on the other hand, was anxious. The party and the government were on different pages altogether.

The DPP underwent a major generational power transfer. It was out with the old, and in with the new. New faces appeared and inspired optimism. By contrast, the KMT generational succession has been a failure. It failed to sink roots in the community. It failed to properly manage the transfer of power. On the other hand, how many times has the DPP “rid the party of factionalism”? Factional struggles are going on as we speak. The Party Congress vote buying farce is being being performed right in front of everyone's eyes. The scene is truly ironic.

For decades, the DPP has been demanding that  political parties, the government, and the military divest themselves of their holdings in the media. Its cries are still ringing in our ears. But lo and behold, it is now openly courting the media. It has allowed the CEO of the Sanli TV network to form a “Hai Pai” faction inside the green camp. It has allowed it to squeeze the Frank Hsieh faction out of the DPP Central Standing Committee. Spinning this development as the party's "evolution", or as a “successful party media hybrid", is hardly going to fly. So political parties, the government, and the military must divest themselves of media holdings. But media friendly to the green camp may become part of the DPP. If the DPP validates this sort of logic, how can it possibly talk about transitional justice?

When factions gathered at the Party Congress, and held an “office picnic” during the generational power transfer, Chairman Tsai Ing-wen delivered her keynote speech in solemn tones. This was the reason why. The DPP took power just over two months ago, on May 20. Over the past two months, the Tsai regime has committed one blunder after another. Ministers have committed verbal and physical faux pas. They have mishandled a flood at the Taoyuan Airport, a strike at China Airlines, an accidental launch of a Hsiung Feng III missile in the direction of the Mainland, and the South China Sea arbitration controversy. Yet DPP politicians remain totally  oblivious. They stand by and do nothing. Their demeanor in the Legislative Yuan has been arrogant and insolent. They pass the buck for their own mistakes onto the previous administration. They revel in the fact that the DPP is now in power and conclude “Isn't this fun?” Perhaps this was why Tsai Ing-wen skipped the niceties and bluntly confronted everyone with the question, “Just what ideals and goals are we pursuing?”

This may be the second time the DPP has been in power. But it is the first time it has held a majority of the seats in the legislature. It clearly does not understand what “total governance” means. It clearly does not understand the difference between a Tsai government and a DPP government. In short, it has not thought through any of these matters at all. Because it does not understand the meaning of "total governance", it does not realize its first responsibility is to solve problems. Instead it behaves like an opposition party. It resorts to physical violence, and incites mob passions. It does not seem to realize it is an integral part of the ruling DPP government. That is why the Lin Chuan cabinet, particularly officials with blue camp backgrounds, are furious.

In short, the DPP has long been a party of social movements, accustomed to inciting unrest. The DPP now enjoys “total governance”. But it has yet to discard its social movement mobilization skills and its instinct for creating conflict. It lacks the ability to think and plan for the long term. It lacks the ability to use its authority to solve problems and contribute to the community. When Chen Shui-bian came to power, he was ridiculed as leader who did not know how to lead. The DPP dismissed these charges and blamed “minority government”. Now however, the DPP enjoys “total governance”. Tsai Ing-wen is attempting to abandon the party's populist demagoguery. She hopes to take a more stable, reformist path. But green camp legislators and local officials remain blind to the heavy responsibility of governing. They are intoxicated merely with being in power. This gap in mindsets is the source of Tsai Ing-wen's anxiety.

Tsai Ing-wen's greatest fear of course, is that public expectations for reform will turn to impatience and anger. Will the Tsai regime be able to get on track? If political and economic crises erupt, will the DPP be able to provide effective solutions? Or will it yammer on as it always has, and offer nothing in the way of progress? If the answer is the latter, people will conclude that the change in ruling parties was meaningless. Their hope may turn to disappointment and anger. Was this not the reason the KMT lost power?

For the moment, Tsai regime crisis management has enabled it to squeak by. But is the regime sincere? That remains in question. The DPP may have plenty of momentum, but it lacks all sense of direction. It lacks the ability to see the larger picture. It lacks problem-solving skills. Can the DPP government, and the DPP party, work hand in glove with each other? A huge gap remains. Myanmar champion of human rights Aung San Suu Kyi was in office for a mere 100 days when she was blasted for heading up a "democratic dictatorship". The DPP must be far more careful than it has.

民進黨的自滿，蔡英文的焦慮
2016-07-19 聯合報

民進黨執政後首次全代會選舉結果，眾天王告退，青壯派全面接班。相對於場內外熱鬧的綁票換票，攸關政黨路線的「維持現狀」黨綱提案，卻完全未獲討論；倒是蔡英文在會上細數執政的種種陣痛，提醒大家不能只是汲汲營營爭取權位。民進黨的亢奮自滿，對照蔡英文的焦慮，反映出黨政步調的落差。

民進黨新世代大舉接班，反映了政黨的新陳代謝，新人輩出，是值得樂觀的現象。相形之下，國民黨培植新人的後繼無力，則暴露出扎根和接力的困窘。然而，民進黨不知宣稱「解散」了多少次派系，此刻派系角力卻仍是全代會綁樁固票大戲的主軸，好不諷刺。

更令人側目的是，民進黨高喊數十年的「黨政軍退出媒體」，言猶在耳，這次卻公開向媒體招手，讓三立電視老闆以「海派」之名躋身綠營派系之林，更在中常委之戰擠掉謝系，使其系全軍覆沒。這樣的發展，若要名之為政黨的「進化」，或成功的「黨媒雜交」，恐怕令人難以信服。黨政軍必須退出媒體，但友好的媒體卻可以入駐政黨，這樣的邏輯如果成立，轉型正義還說得出口嗎？

正因為如此，當派系在全代會進行大拜拜、大接班的同時，蔡英文以主席身分發表致詞則難掩沉重。五二○新政府就任至今正好滿兩個月，兩個月來，執政團隊頻頻出包，除了閣員言行失當，從桃機漏水、華航罷工、雄三誤射、台東風災、南海仲裁遇襲，政府的處理飽受批評。然而，民進黨政治人物對此卻似乎感受無多，一味袖手旁觀，更頻頻在立法院表演傲慢、張狂言行，甚至將責任推給前任政府，一副「權力在手，樂趣無窮」的姿態。或許正因如此，蔡英文才省略了客套話，直言要大家問問自己：「我們從政的理想和目標到底是什麼？」

問題在，民進黨雖是第二次執政，更首度贏得了國會過半席次，但對於什麼是「完全執政」，卻似乎還不十分了然；對於「蔡政府」與「民進黨政府」之間到底有何差別，也還沒有思考清楚。正因為不了解「完全執政」的意義，所以缺乏以「解決問題」為先的心態，不時流露出在野黨習性的暴衝和挑釁情緒；也正因未意識到自己已是「民進黨政府」的一部分，所以對林全內閣──尤其是其中若干具有藍營背景的官員，不時怒目橫眉。

簡言之，民進黨拿手的，一直是作為一個「社運型」及「衝突型」的政黨。但今天民進黨完全執政了，它若依然只有社運的動員技巧及製造衝突的本能，卻沒有長期思考和制度規劃的能力，它即難以運用自己的權力來解決問題，回饋社會。上次陳水扁執政，遭到「不會執政」之譏，民進黨當時輕易地把問題推給「朝小野大」之局限。但如今民進黨已完全執政，而蔡英文也企圖揚棄陳水扁的民粹叫囂模式，希望走一條比較穩健改革的路線；然而，綠營立委和地方勢力卻未意識到執政責任的沉重，而一味沉醉在掌權的歡愉之中。這種心態上的落差，正是蔡英文的焦慮所在。

當然，蔡英文更大的焦慮，是民眾對於改革的期待何時會變為對陣痛的不耐。如果執政團隊一直無法步上軌道，如果各種政經危機一再爆發，而民進黨政府卻一直無法提出有效的解決方案，如果老問題總是一談再談卻看不到進展；如此，當人民無法感受到政黨輪替的意義，所有期待即可能轉為失望與憤怒。國民黨之所以失去政權，不正因為如此？

目前看來，蔡政府的危機因應在及格邊緣，但態度是否足夠坦誠則受到質疑；至於民進黨雖衝勁滿滿，卻缺乏方向感，看不到多元思考及解決問題的能力。民進黨政府如何形成黨和政協作並進的隊伍，仍有偌大的差距有待磨合。緬甸人權鬥士翁山蘇姬執政百日，即引來「民主獨裁」的批評，民進黨更須加倍慎之！