President Ma Ying-jeou Should Assume Chairmanship of the Ruling Party

President Ma Ying-jeou Should Assume Chairmanship of the Ruling Party
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
April 9, 2009

Yesterday this newspaper conducted a poll. We asked people how they felt about Ma Ying-jeou assuming the role of KMT party chairman. The result showed 46.7% of the public opposed, and 47.2% in favor. Another 26.0% expressed no opinion. An astonishing 38.7% of the respondents thought the KMT would not be able to implement President Ma's policies, much higher than the number who answered "the party will be able to implement President Ma's policies." The answers to these two questions reveal a number of contradictions. On the one hand, the public thinks the KMT is engaging in obstructionism, making it impossible for the president to act. On the other hand, the public is skeptical and fearful of the Party/Government/Military Complex of old. Therefore, it opposes the president simultaneously assuming the role of party chairman. We feel compelled to clarify a few concepts in order to gain a better understanding of the problem.

First, let's look at the KMT's performance over the past year. Instead of asking whether the KMT is able to implement President Ma's policies, we ought to ask whether the party's performance conforms with public expectations. Frankly we have to give the KMT a C minus. Take Legislative Yuan approval of Presidential appointments. Last year, amidst internal KMT power struggles, the Legislative Yuan vetoed Shen Fu-hsiung's appointment as Vice President of the Control Yuan. Never mind the fact that Shen Fu-hsiung had a sound reputation. This newspaper published an editorial denouncing the Legislative Yuan as "contemptible." Take Legislative Yuan review of bills. Last year a small number of KMT legislators boycotted the Public Servants' Unaccounted For Assets Act. This year the Legislative Yuan has diluted the bill three or four different ways. Its motive for obstructing such legislation is clear to see. Take the County Executive and City Mayor By-election candidates. The list of nominees included wives running in place of their husbands, candidates who are implicated in a long list of crimes, and candidates who are unqualifed but who were born to the right parents. Yet the party adopted a "What can we do?" attitude. It ignored public perception. Take the handling of party assets. The KMT has been in power almost a year. The manager of the KMT's party-owned enterprises has already been promoted to President of the Examination Yuan. The Bureau of Administration no longer exists. Yet the party assets remain. The KMT appears determined to drag its feet until the next general election, providing the DPP with a ready-made campaign issue. Such a political party is not merely disappointing the public, it is holding back society.

Ma Ying-jeou's image is fresh. The KMT's image is stale. That is why President Ma should assume the role of party chairman. Only then can he implement his policies. Only then can he live up to the expectations of the 58% majority who voted for him. Legislative elections are conducted in accordance with the single-member district, two-vote system. But the presidential election links the candidate to the party. Every vote cast for a candidate is a vote cast for the candidate's party. Voters expect both the candidate and his party to implement reform. In advanced democracies, political parties are neutral campaign organizations. ROC political parties should head in that direction. But the KMT is burdened by its decades long past. It is soiled, diseased, and defective. An entity so corrupt cannot cure or transform itself. The KMT's transformation must rely on external forces. And the most effective external force, is a Chief Executive who commands public support.

If President Ma does not assume the role of party chairman, then all he can do is to fix the barn door after the horse has been stolen. Often such remedies will be to no avail. Take the County Executive and City Mayor By-election nominations for example. Once the KMT juggernaut nominates a list of scandal-ridden candidates, how can President Ma refuse to support them? How can he refuse to endorse them? This hijacking of the President by the party machine plays out again and again because the intent of the party machine is miles apart from the intent of the president.

Finally, we need to address a number of outsider doubts. Some people are afraid that if the President assumes the role of party chairman, that will mean a "return to authoritarianism." But that is a fallacy. The reason the two Chiangs were criticized as authoritarian, was that the President lacked popular support, as well as legislative and administrative checks and balances. But the situation today is different. Today the Republic of China president is installed in office one vote at a time. The Temporary Provisions Effective during the Period of Communist Rebellion no longer apply. Government policy is under the supervision of the Legislative Yuan. Nor is there any possibility of favoritism. Even if the President assumes the role of party chairman, his impact on political patronage will remain marginal. He cannot possibly enjoy the same powers the two Chiangs wielded during the authoritarian era. Quite the contrary. President Ma insists on avoiding party affairs. He watches idly as competing political forces rule the roost, entrenched in perpetuity. At the end of the day, public dissatisfaction will be vented on President Ma during the next election. In any event, assuming the party chairmanship has no relationship with authoritarism.

Does President Ma intend to transform the ROC and reform the KMT or not? Since the 1980's, many nations have engaged in economic reform. The Soviet Union, Mainland China, India and other nations each have their own model. Not every kind of reform is correct. The public on Taiwan wants to move toward democracy. It wants party politics to work. It has never established a rule saying "no president may be a party chairman." The KMT party machine is so antiquated that if the president does not assume the role of party chairman, transformation will be impossible. Rather than allow this albatross to remain around his neck, President Ma should cast it off, roll up his sleeves, and get down to work.

中時電子報
中國時報 　2009.04.09
社論－馬總統確該考慮兼任執政黨主席
本報訊


本報日前舉行民調，詢問社會大眾對於馬英九是否該兼黨主席的看法。結果顯示，有四六．七％的人不贊成、廿七．二％的人贊成。另有廿六．○％的人無意見。另一方面，竟然有三八．七％的受訪者認為國民黨不能貫徹馬總統的施政理念，遠高於回答「黨能貫徹馬總統理念」的比例。這兩個問題的答案似乎透露若干矛盾：一方面人民認為國民黨在扯後腿，以至於總統的理念推不動，但另一方面人民似乎對於以往「黨政軍一體」的情況猶有疑懼，所以並不贊成總統兼任黨主席。我們認為，這裡面確實有些觀念需要釐清，才能把道理談透徹。

首先，我們來看看國民黨過去一年的表現。與其問國民黨能不能貫徹馬總統的施政理念，倒不如問該黨表現是否符合人民的期待。坦白說，我們對此要給國民黨打個「丙下」級分，以表達嚴重不滿。就立法院人事同意權而言，去年中監察院副院長案，立法院在黨內相關勢力的操作下，竟然把形象不差的沈富雄當掉，本報社論當時就以「討人厭」重批。就立法院法案審查而言，去年底少數國民黨立委杯葛「財產來源不明罪」的審查，今年又給法條中穿了三、四雙小鞋，也是司馬昭之心路人皆知。就縣市長與民意代表補選提名而言，目前浮出檯面的名單，有人代夫出征、有人所涉弊案一籮筐、有人是內舉不避親，但黨部迄今一副莫可奈何狀，完全不理會社會觀感。就黨產處理而言，國民黨已經執政快一年，黨營事業主管都升官到考試院了，行管處人事全非，卻黨產依舊，似乎要拖到下一次大選，再送給民進黨一個現成的炒作題材。這樣的黨，不僅不在實踐人民的改革期待，根本就是在扯台灣的後腿！

正因為馬英九形象清新，而國民黨依然陳舊腐朽，我們才認為馬總統需要兼黨主席，才能貫徹其施政理念，也才能不辜負台灣人民五八％選票的期待。立委選舉有所謂單一選區兩票制，但總統選舉是人黨合一的，每一票背後既是人也是黨，總而言之就是對改革的期待。在民主先進國家中，黨都只是中性的選舉機器；台灣的政黨要往那個方向走，並沒有錯。但問題是：國民黨有它數十年的包袱、汙點、痼疾、缺陷；這麼一個久病纏身的腐朽機器，它不可能不藥而癒、自行轉型成功。國民黨若要轉型，必須要靠外力，而最有可能加諸的外力，就是有民意支撐的行政首長。

馬總統如果不兼黨主席，他就只能在一件件人民挫折之後亡羊補牢。有時候，甚至事後補救都無濟於事。以縣市長提名為例，一旦國民黨「自走炮」真的提名了身掛一串弊案的人做候選人，馬總統還能表態不支持嗎？能不站台嗎？這種黨機器綁架總統的戲碼之所以能夠一再上演，不就是因為黨機器的意志與總統的意志天差地遠嗎？

最後，我們也要談一談外界的質疑論點。有人認為，總統兼黨主席有「回到威權」的疑慮，但這顯然有情境錯置的謬誤。兩蔣時代之所以被人批評為威權，是因為總統沒有民意的支持，且行政欠缺立法的制衡。但是現在的情況早已全然改變。目前台灣的總統，可是人民一票一票選出來的，並沒有《動員戡亂時期臨時條款》的庇廕。我們政府的施政，完全受立法院鋪天蓋地的監督，也沒有挾帶徇私的可能。就算總統兼任黨主席，只可能稍抑制目前政治上的各項分贓，不可能扯上什麼兩蔣時代的威權。相反的，馬總統堅持不碰黨務，卻是坐視政壇勢力據地為王，盤踞串連，到頭來人民的不滿還是得在下次大選時由馬總統埋單。無論如何，兼不兼黨主席與威權與否，八竿子也扯不上關係。

今天的重點是：馬總統是否想改造台灣、改革國民黨？自一九八○年代起，全世界許多國家都在從事經濟改革；蘇聯、中共、印度等國各有其模式，也沒有哪一種改革就一定是對的。台灣人民希望走向民主、希望政黨政治邁向健康之路，並沒有設下「總統不准兼黨主席」的明顯路障。我們認為，以國民黨如此陳舊的機器，總統不兼黨主席恐怕斷無改造的可能。與其讓一個沉重的包袱拖累自己，馬總統實在可以考慮做包袱的主人，親自打開包袱，好好清理一番。