Remembering Chiang Ching-kuo

Remembering Chiang Ching-kuo
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
April 14, 2009

Today is the 100th anniversary of Chiang Ching-kuo's birth, and nostalgia fills the air. Chiang Ching-kuo is a political icon. For Taiwan, this is both a blessing and a lament. The blessing is that Taiwan has a political icon whom most people can identify with, who was the very model of an effective political leader. This constitutes a valuable historical legacy. The lament is that Chiang Ching-kuo was, after all, an authoritarian era figure. Today, 21 years after his death. he has been succeeded by three generations of political leaders, not one of whom holds a candle to him. On the contrary, they include a reprobate who has brought disaster upon the nation.

Taiwan was blessed to have had Chiang Ching-kuo. But ironically, ever since martial law was lifted, a democratic Taiwan under the rule of law has never had a political leader who compared with Chiang Ching-kuo. This is cause for concern.

Chiang Ching-kuo is of course, a controversial figure. But his defining trait was his ability to change with the times, to better himself, to correct himself, and ultimately, to change the world around him. His liked to say that "The times have changed, the environment has changed, the tide has changed." He never allowed himself to become a stumbling block to progress. Instead, he transformed himself into a facilitator of progress.

One could say that Chiang Ching-kuo had a hard life. He clashed with his father. He joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He was exiled to Siberia. He clashed with the Kung and Soong clans. He personally presided over the withdrawal from the mainland. He trekked across the Central Cross-Island Highway. He stood on the front lines during the 8/23 Artillery Battle. He escaped an assassination attempt in the United States. He guided the nation through the Oil Crisis. He completed the Ten Major Infrastructure Projects. He presided over the withdrawal from the United Nations. He promoted central government by-elections. He weathered the Chungli incident, de-recognition by the United States, the Kaohsiung incident, and the Chiangnan case. He was eventually relegated to a wheelchair. He lifted martial law and allowed citizens to visit their mainland relatives. He died coughing up blood in a narrow bed in the Seven Seas Apartments.

But from another perspective, one could say that Chiang Ching-kuo was fortunate. In the twilight of his years he successfully presided over the lifting of martial law and the introduction of democracy. He enabled people to visit their relatives on the mainland, laying the groundwork for peaceful cross-Strait exchanges. He successfully concluded his life's work, becoming a model for future generations of political leaders to emulate.

The lifting of martial law and opening of cross-Strait exchanges was completed during the twilight of Chiang Ching-kuo's life, as he coughed up blood. Chiang Ching-kuo's rule was not without twists and turns. But overall, the character and trajectory of his life were straight as an arrow. Every step he took advanced democracy and promoted cross-Strait reconciliation. This was his final legacy to the Chinese nation and to world history.

Without Chiang Ching-kuo's dedication to transforming Taiwan into one of the four Asian tigers, how could the ROC have lifted martial law and opened up cross-Strait exchanges? Chiang Ching-kuo promoted central government by-elections and "young Taiwanese" political talent. The Chungli Incident and Kaohsiung Incident notwithstanding, he forestalled nepotism. He exiled Wang Sheng and Chiang Hsiao-wu, and promoted Lee Teng-hui. From beginning to end, he consistently paved the way for democracy. Had Chiang Ching-kuo not personally presided over the lifting of martial law and the opening of cross-Strait exchanges, what sort of chaos would his successor have faced, within and without? Had Chiang Ching-kuo not established the necessary political and economic preconditions, what sort of chaos would have prevailed after the lifting of martial law?

Chiang Ching-kuo inherited a lifetime of political authoritarianism and cross-Strait confrontation. Yet he was able to establish a democratic Taiwan and cross-Strait peace for future generations. The lifting of martial law and the opening of cross-Strait exchanges were in fact two sides of the same coin. Without opening cross-Strait relations, it would have been impossible to lift martial law. Without lifting martial law, it would have been impossible to open cross-Strait exchanges. A democratic Taiwan, would eventually have had to face the issue of cross-Strait exchanges. The opening of cross-Strait exchanges would eventually necessitate democratic institutions to act as the island's first line of defense. Twenty-one years after Chiang Ching-kuo's death, no leader of the ROC can afford to depart from the framework he established. Any leader who does, will inflict harm upon the nation. Mainland leaders cannot ignore Chiang's framework. Nor can they ignore the island's democratic institutions when dealing with cross-Strait issues.

Chiang Ching-kuo must not be deified. Chiang Ching-kuo's controversial political record must not be blanked out. But any evaluation of Chiang Ching-kuo that attempts to tar him as a "foreign political regime," will be met with public rejection. The irony is that following Chiang Ching-kuo's death, Taiwan has been forced to endure over 20 years of internal division as a result of such rhetoric.

Today, over 20 years later, as we commemorate Chiang Ching-kuo's life, we must recognize that the Chiang Ching-kuo government cannot be characterized as a "foreign political regime." Chiang Ching-kuo's style cannot be characterized as "lacking in love for Taiwan." Chiang Ching-kuo's administration cannot be characterized as "a political entity that is selling out Taiwan." That the entire island is now engaged in such a phony debate is ludicrous, pathetic, despicable, and shameful.

Chiang Ching-kuo's political and economic liberalization and opening of cross-Strait exchanges were monumental achievements. They provide a powerful contrast with the disastrous leadership of his successors. Even Chiang Ching-kuo's humble manner of dress, his trademark windbreaker, provides a sharp contrast with the conspicuous consumption of his corrupt successors. Chiang Ching-kuo was an authoritarian. Yet standing next to him whom did we find, but such giants as Ying Chung-jung, Sun Yun-suan, Li Kuo-ting, Tao Pai-chuang. Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian were ostensibly "democratically-elected leaders." Yet next to them whom do we find, but the likes of Liu Tai-ying and Ma Yung-cheng. The times were hard on Chiang Ching-kuo. But his achievements were towering. The times were kind to Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian. But they betrayed the common people.

To commemorate Chiang Ching-kuo is to recall a model worthy of emulation. To commemorate Chiang Ching-kuo is also to bemoan his lack of successors.

紀念蔣經國：恩典與憂思
【聯合報╱社論】
2009.04.13 06:03 am

今天是蔣經國百年冥誕，社會上瀰漫著一股懷舊追思的氛圍。蔣經國成為一種「政治典範」，這對台灣而言，可謂既是恩典，也是憂慮。謂為「恩典」，是因台灣畢竟也有這麼一位讓多數人民感動認同的政治典範，成為人民衡量政治境界及領導效能的真實標尺，這誠是珍貴的歷史資產；至於所謂「憂慮」，則因蔣經國終究是威權時代的人物，如今在他謝世二十一年後，國家已經三易領導人，而蔣經國的典範非但無人超越，亦且一度出現了禍國殃民的政治妖孽。

台灣畢竟曾有蔣經國，這是恩典；但在解嚴後民主法治的新台灣，卻未見在政治境界及領導效能上超越蔣經國的新典範，這則是台灣的憂慮。

蔣經國當然也有爭議性。但他最大的特徵是隨著時勢的變遷，改善自己，修正自己；以至於最後他能開創時勢，領導時勢。他的名言，「時代在變，環境在變，潮流也在變」；所反映的其實正是蔣經國自己與時推移的改善及修正。他非但未使自己成為時代與潮流的絆腳石，而終使自己成為時代與潮流的領航人。

蔣經國可謂是一苦命人，在他的人生歷程中，可以見到父子齟齬、加入蘇聯共產黨、流放西伯利亞、與孔宋集團對抗、親赴大陳主持撤退、履勘橫貫公路路線、親上八二三砲戰火線、美國遇刺、石油危機、十大建設、退出聯合國、中央民代增補選、中壢事件、半夜美使告知斷交、高雄事件、江南案、坐上輪椅、解嚴及開放赴大陸探親等崎嶇坎坷的剪影，最後則吐血死在七海寓所窄小的單人床上。

但從另一角度看，蔣經國亦可謂是一好命人。畢竟他能在生命油盡燈枯的前一刻，親手實現了解嚴（將台灣帶入民主時代），也親口宣示了大陸探親（為兩岸和平交流揭開序幕），使他一生奉獻國家人民的志業得以畫下一個自我完足的句點，也使他已然成為後世認同的政治典範。

蔣經國一生集其大成的功業，就在毅然實現解嚴及開放兩岸交流；這正是他油盡燈枯、嘔心瀝血之作。如今回顧蔣經國的施政治國，雖亦不無猶豫曲折之時，但大體上則可謂是其道如矢、一往無前；他的每一重要步履，可說皆是為「民主進階」及「兩岸和解」在做積蓄及準備，而最後他在向國家及歷史繳卷時，也交出了解嚴及兩岸開放的漂亮成績單。

例如，倘非蔣經國嘔心瀝血將台灣帶上「亞洲四小龍」的有利地位，台灣如何能有迎對解嚴及兩岸開放的條件？又如，蔣經國自中央民代補選，及推動「吹台青」政策，雖經中壢事件、高雄事件，但他在阻擋家人接位、放逐王昇、蔣孝武，及拔擢李登輝等大動作上（相信蔣經國是真心拔擢李登輝的），均可見他始終一貫地為民主晉階作政治準備。試問：倘蔣經國未親自宣布並主持解嚴及兩岸開放，其後繼者將如何面對內外亂局？再問：倘蔣經國未苦心孤詣地為台灣的政經條件做好解嚴開放的積蓄與準備，解嚴開放後將是何種亂局？

一生背負「政治威權／兩岸對立」的蔣經國，最後將他嘔心瀝血打造的「民主台灣／兩岸和平」的鑰匙交給了後世。解嚴與兩岸開放，其實有一體兩面的效應。不開放兩岸關係，不可能解嚴；不解嚴，無以應對兩岸關係。民主的台灣，一定會面對兩岸開放的問題；而兩岸開放的問題，亦唯賴民主機制始能保障台灣。在蔣經國謝世二十一年後的今日，台灣的主政者固然不能偏離蔣經國所設的架構，違者必會誤國傷民；且大陸的領導人也不能跳脫這個框架，亦即不可能罔顧台灣的民主機制來處理兩岸關係。

當然不可神化蔣經國，且蔣經國亦有不能塗銷的重大爭議性紀錄，但對蔣經國的評價，倘若竟是落到「外來政權」四個字，恐怕亦非正常人所能接受。然而，諷刺的是，蔣氏辭世後，台灣卻因「外來政權」擾攘折騰內耗空轉了二十餘年。

今天，在二十餘年後，追憶紀念蔣經國，國人應可認知：像蔣經國那樣的治國理念，不能稱為「外來政權」；像蔣經國那樣的領導風格，也不能說是不愛台灣的「賣台集團」。回想過去近二十年，整個國家竟然陷於那樣的爭議，真是可笑、可悲、可惡，亦復可恥。

蔣經國「政經解嚴／兩岸開放」的集大成之作，與禍國殃民的後繼領導者形成強烈對比；蔣經國一襲夾克的素樸風範，更與後繼者「窮到只剩下錢」的腥臭貪腐形成尖銳對照。蔣經國的威權身影旁，出現過尹仲容、孫運璿、李國鼎、陶百川等幾代英豪；但在民主時代的李登輝及陳水扁身邊，劉泰英、馬永成之輩卻是熠熠明星……。時代對蔣經國極其吝嗇，他卻成就極大；時代給盡了李登輝陳水扁百般恩寵，他們卻負盡蒼生。

紀念蔣經國，是在追憶典範；紀念蔣經國，亦是在為國家典範的後繼無人而低迴傷懷！