Taiwan Must Not Hesitate in the Face of a Rising Mainland

Taiwan Must Not Hesitate in the Face of a Rising Mainland
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
April 21, 2009

The Boao Forum recently adjourned. The third Chiang/Chen cross-Strait summit is about to convene. For the two sides, last year's change in ruling parties was an important turning point in cross-Strait relations. This year is crucial to closer cross-Strait cooperation. Last year's Boao Forum was Beijng's world-class economic conference. This year, Beijing was not at all shy about incorporating the issue of cross-Strait economic and financial cooperation into the official agenda. Its intent was to announce to the world that the two sides are working together to combat the global economic crisis. It was also a direct response to President Ma Ying-jeou's previous recommendation that bilateral relations be integrated into multilateral relations.

Beijing's "goodwill" toward Taipei is overwhelming. Beijing allowed Mainland tourists to visit Taiwan. When Taipei complained that the number of tourists was inadequate, Beijing issued a directive ordering Mainland provinces and cities to immediately increase the number of tourists to Taiwan this year. Wave upon wave arrived, with ten thousand tourists in each wave. Just before Taipei's delegation to the Boao Forum departed for the Mainland, President Ma Ying-jeou asked delegation leader Fredrick Chien to convey a message to Beijing: "Help each other, support each other, deepen cooperation create a common future." Mainland China Premier Wen Jiabao responded with: "Face the future, put the past behind us, cooperate closely, advance hand in hand." Not only that, Fredrick Chien's meeting with Wen Jiabao was extended from 20 minutes to 50 minutes. Premier Wen Jiabao had much more he wanted to say. Matters that Fredrick Chien hesitated to breach, Premier Wen Jiabao brought up on his own. He said "ECFA is also open to discussion." Fredrick Chien was so surprised he demurred, saying he was there merely as an NGO representative, in an unofficial capacity, and not at liberty to say too much.

The mainland has reason to be in a hurry. Since Chiang Ching-kuo first opened up cross-Strait exchanges, the process has undergone numerous ups and downs. Premier Wen Jiabao's response to Ma Ying-jeou, "put the past behind us" had important implications. When Lee Teng-hui first assumed power, the other side had high expectations. But toward the latter part of Lee's rule, they encountered hidden reefs, and eventually Lee's "no haste, be patient" policy. Cross-Strait civilian exchanges never ceased. But political dialogue was frequently filled with disagreement. When Chen Shui-bian first assumed power, the Mainland also had expectations. It even attempted to establish underground channels. But the Chen administration's cross-Strait policy was soon held hostage by pro-independence advocates, and "effective management" was replaced by "aggressive management." Now that President Ma Ying-jeou has taken office, leaders in Beijing are sending him a message of goodwill. Will it work with Ma Ying-jeou? Will it change the cross-Strait political atmosphere? Doubts remain.

The tense cross-Strait situation has lasted 12 to 13 years. Non-governmental exchanges never ceased. They became even closer. Private entrepreneurs who hoped to profit from exchanges no longer looked to government policy. Many business owners ignored official policy and acted on their own, even at the cost of lawsuits. But politically the cross-Strait political atmosphere changed. Chiang Ching-kuo once declared that "I am Chinese, I am also Taiwanese." Today a declaration that "I am Chinese" is almost taboo on Taiwan. Buddhist Master Hsing Yun was born on the Mainland. During a cross-Strait forum on Buddhism, he was subjected to a firestorm of criticism for uttering these words. The cross-Strait political atmosphere was subjected to 12 to 13 years of political reshaping following the change in ruling parties. As one can imagine, undoing these changes so soon after returning to power is no easy matter. Cross-Strait exchanges and cooperation has been restored at great difficulty. No one wants to see this undone and the opportunity to write history lost, yet again.

Closer cross-Strait co-operation accords with Taiwan's interests. But whether such cooperation will affect the sovereignty of the Republic of China, or incite pro-independence or pro-reunification sentiment on Taiwan, remains a nameless anxiety. Such anxiety is understandable, but must not impede the island's progress.

When the two sides first opened up, Beijing viewed Taipei as its teacher. Its hunger and thirst for knowledge exceeded our imagination. It was interested in improving everything from the stock market to the financial regulatory system, from agricultural products to factory management. Even now, Taiwan's experience in policy-making remains one of considerable importance to mainland officials. Heads of State Owned Enterprises with Communist Party affiliations and financial officials say Beijing's land policy is not open enough, lacks respect for the market, and always meddle in the market process. They are able to recite the history of Taiwan's economic miracle, chapter and verse. They can even discuss in detail the roster of former ROC Ambassadors to the United States with Fredrick Chien. We can see how determined Beijing is to understand Taiwan. By contrast, how well do we on Taiwan understand the mainland? How thorough is our own research?

As Taipei simultaneously welcomes and resists cooperation and exchanges with Beijing, Beijing is already accelerating its cooperation and exchanges with the international community. When Beijing and six nations sign a currency exchange agreement, can Taipei turn a blind eye? Mainland China has become an indispensable link in the international economic and financial system. Other nations have their eyes wide open. They look to Beijing and Asia for leadership in overcoming the global economic crisis. Taipei must not remain outside the Asian regional economy. It cannot ignore international economic trends and refuse to associate with Beijing. Cross-Strait exchanges are irreversible. No matter how the political situation evolves, no matter how long the cross-Strait process is prolonged, one thing is certain, fear and anxiety can never create a second economic miracle. Faced with a rising Mainland, Taiwan needs determination and courage.

中時電子報
中國時報 　2009.04.21
社論－面對崛起的中國 台灣不能遲疑
本報訊

博鰲論壇才閉幕，兩岸三次江陳會即將上場。對兩岸而言，去年政黨再輪替，是兩岸交流回溫的重要轉捩點，今年則可能是兩岸更緊密互動合作的關鍵年。博鰲論壇是中國年度國際級的經濟大會，今年，中國卻毫不避諱地特別在正式議程中，納入兩岸經濟金融合作議題，意在向國際宣示：兩岸攜手對抗全球經濟危機；也直接回應馬英九總統之前的建議：在多邊之中納入雙邊。

中國對台灣的「善意」，簡直可以舖天蓋地形容。開放大陸觀光客，台灣抱怨來台人數不足，政策指令下達，大陸各省市立刻在今年初遽增來台觀光客，動輒就是萬人團；馬英九總統在博鰲代表團行前，請團長錢復帶上十六個字：「同舟共濟，彼此扶持，深化合作，開創未來」，中國總理溫家寶隨即回應十六個字：「面向未來，捐棄前嫌，密切合作，攜手並進」。非但如此，錢溫會從預定廿分鐘延長為五十分鐘，溫家寶談得意猶未盡，錢復沒提的事，溫家寶反而主動提出，「ＥＣＦＡ也可以談」，讓錢復急乎乎地聲明他只是民間代表不具官方身分，不宜多言。

大陸的急切不是沒有原因；從蔣經國末期開放兩岸交流以來，兩岸進程時有波折，溫家寶回贈馬英九的十六字箴言中的「捐棄前嫌」，顯有弦外之音。李登輝初掌大位，對岸也曾寄望甚殷，但執政後期即遇潛礁，從此戒急用忍，即使兩岸民間交流不斷，但政治對話常有齟齬；陳水扁執政初期，大陸同樣猶有期待，甚至曾試圖透過傳話管道打開窗口，但是，沒多久扁政府的兩岸政策就被獨派主張鎖死，積極管理取代了有效管理。馬英九總統上任以來，中國領導階層強力放送他們的善意，卻對馬英九能不能有效、強勢地扭轉兩岸政治氣氛，猶有懷疑。

這段兩岸關係緊張期長達十二、三年，民間交流無一日停滯，甚至愈來愈密切，期望交流獲利的民間業者，對政府政策不再期待，脫政策而先行的企業主所在多有，甚至不惜付出官司纏身的代價；但是，政治上兩岸氣氛丕變，從當年蔣經國說，「我是中國人，我也是台灣人。」到如今，「我是中國人」這五個字，彷彿成了台灣的禁詞，出生在大陸的星雲法師，不過在兩岸佛教論壇上說了這五個字，就面對嚴厲的批判，十二、三年形塑的兩岸政治氣氛，要在政黨再輪替後的短時間再逆轉，困難度有多高，可以想見。但，最重要的，好不容易重啟兩岸交流合作的契機，沒有人希望再橫生變數，使歷史機遇再次隨風而逝。

然而，對台灣而言，兩岸緊密合作，符合台灣的利益，但這樣的合作到底會不會影響台灣做為主權國家的主體性，始終是一股暗流，牽動台灣內部敏感的統獨神經，甚至莫名所以的焦慮。這樣的焦慮不是完全沒道理，但不能因為焦慮阻礙了台灣的進步。

兩岸初開放，大陸以台灣為師，饑渴的程度超乎想像，從股票市場到金融監管系統，從工廠管理到農產品改良，即使到現在，台灣經驗仍是大陸決策官員相當重視一環。當具有共產黨籍的國企領導或財經金官員，大談中國政府土地政策不夠開放、不夠尊重市場機制、老想把黑手伸進市場裡窮攪和，甚至對台灣創造經濟奇蹟過程中的政策之爭如數家珍，還能與錢復細數台灣歷任駐美大使，就可想見大陸對台灣研究的用力與用心。相對的，台灣對大陸了解到底有多少？研究到底有多深？

當台灣對與中國合作交流欲拒還迎的同時，中國已經加速與國際接軌。當中國已經和六個國家簽訂貨幣互換協議，台灣能完全不理會嗎？中國已經成為全球布局國際經濟金融戰略不可或缺的一環，各國張大了眼，期待中國和亞洲成為衝破經濟危機的領頭羊，台灣不可能自外於亞洲區域經濟，更不可能無視國際經濟的大趨勢，悶著頭拒絕與中國為伍。兩岸交流不可逆轉，不論政治形勢如何發展，兩岸進程的時間要拉得多長，有一點是確定的：恐懼與焦慮，絕對創造不出第二輪經濟奇蹟，面對崛起的中國，台灣，需要魄力和膽氣。