The New Cabinet: Less Electioneering, More Professionalism

The New Cabinet: Less Electioneering, More Professionalism
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
September 8, 2009

The pundits on TV were talking up a storm. They were blasting Premier Liu for reshuffling the cabinet without tendering his own resignation. But even as they spoke, the news ticker on screen read: "Premier Liu's resignation accepted." The pundits were left picking their jaws off the floor. All they could do was grudging concede that Liu Chao-shiuan was one hell of a character.
As it is in life, so it is in politics. It is only after one loses something that one suddenly realizes it wasn't that bad after all. But by then it is too late. An administrative team's professionalism was simply no match for politics, electioneering, and the accumulated grievances felt by victims of a major disaster. The Liu cabinet was referred to as the Cabinet of Professors. Most of them were veteran bureaucrats. They were experts who understood everything. The only thing they didn't understand was the public mood. But they also had the pride of professional bureaucrats. They knew when to fold, and they knew the image they would leave behind.

Premier Liu offered President Ma his verbal resignation soon after the 8/8 Flood provoked widespread public discontent. Premier Liu was urged to stay on to facilitate the first month of post-disaster relief and reconstruction. Over the past three weeks Premier Liu was subjected to considerable name-calling. But he said nothing. He and the majority of ministry chiefs had already decided to leave, and quietly played the game out to the bitter end. Their concern was to avoid additional speculation or rumor-mongering that would negatively impact a cabinet already battered after the disaster.

Times have clearly changed. During the Chiang Ching-kuo era and early Lee Teng-hui era, bureaucrats with financial, scientific, and technological backgrounds exhibited professionalism and dedication. But they were never subjected to baptism by electoral fire. They felt they were running the country and saving the world. The public, on the other hand, felt they were acting high and mighty. They were reluctant to embrace the masses with open arms. They lacked the appropriate bedside manner. In the end, they could only resign and exit the political arena.

But over the past 15 months, this cabinet, consisting of financial and economic experts, actually got many things right. It implemented cross-Strait direct flights, it deregulated the economy, it participated in the WTO "Agreement on Government Procurement" and the WHO General Assembly. It upgraded several counties and municipalities. It helped Taiwan navigate the global financial storm. Wherever it went, it left its mark. The Liu cabinet neglected politics and electioneering. During its short term, it took us back to an era before politics and electioneering. Instead, it got things done. Fifteen months is too short a time. But natural disasters are not something mere mortals can control. When a natural disaster strikes, and one's performance falls short of public expectations, one need have no regrets about deciding to leave.

Premier Liu's resignation was approved. At the same time, the Presidential Office announced that Wu Den-yih would assume the premiership, and Taoyuan County Executive Chu Li-lun the vice premiership. The two would be responsible for reshuffling the cabinet. They were quite different in background from the Liu cabinet. Both were elected. Both were politically seasoned. Both were exceptionally strong campaigners. Put simply, the Liu cabinet was politically tone-deaf. This weakness has been remedied in spades by the appointment of Wu and Chu. But their very strengths may be their Achilles Heels.

Wu Den-yih is a provincial elite deliberately cultivated during the Chiang Ching-kuo era. He was among the first to rise in the political arena. He has vast experience. One of the reasons he lost the Kaohsiung mayoral election was the sex scandal tapes, later proven bogus. But another reason was his local political roots were too shallow. A change in ruling parties soon followed. Wu Den-yih lost the opportunity to gain experience at the central government level. Most people's impression of him is that he can put up a good fight come election time. But how far-sighted are his policies? No one knows. Chu Li-lun is a member of the KMT's emerging middle-aged elite. He harks from a political dynasty. This has allowed him to rise quickly with the political arena. But apart from bringing investments to Taoyuan, his financial and economic resume while legislator and county executive was nothing special. Taiwan is undergoing an economic transformation. Can Wu and Chu break out of their political framework, and lead Taiwan down a different developmental path? That will be their greatest test.

The cabinet resignation has yet to be confirmed. Taiwan has just survived the Dalai Lama's visit to Taiwan. This crisis was the result of an invitation given the Dalai Lama by a Democratic Progressive Party local leader. But it was also approved by a secret session of high-level KMT officials. Party and government leaders attended the meeting. They strenuously championed the Dalai Lama's visit. Wu Den-yih was one of the key players. Wu Den-yih's political calculus was that the DPP had thrown Ma Ying-jeou a hot potato, and that the KMT ought to throw it back. The KMT won this round. But cross-Strait mutual trust were put to a severe test. High-level administration officials have let out a sigh of relief. Cross-Strait relations, they have concluded, successfully negotiated some dangerous rapids. But the Dalai Lama demurred. Whether cross-Strait relations have changed will only be known six months to a year from now. The Wu and Chu cabinet is a cabinet long on electioneering experience. Can it successfully continue the Liu cabinet's cross-Strait policy? Beijing will be watching. Wu and Chu must remain vigilant.

Wu Den-yih and Chu Li-lun have taken on some heavy administrative duties. They need to realize that the burden on their shoulders far exceeds anything in their past political experience. Post-disaster reconstruction for the 8/8 Flood has begun. They will have to implement the Liu cabinet's plans for disaster prevention and reconstruction. Electoral victories must not be their sole indicator of policy failure or success. On the contrary. They must demonstrate a sense of vision the public has not seen in the past. The rebuilding of cross-Strait mutual trust must begin now. Electioneering concerns must not override national interests. Political barriers must not impede sound administration. Wu and Chu must remember they are not the KMT's administrative team. They are the ROC's administrative team.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2009.09.08
新內閣應少些選舉算計 多點專業考量
本報訊

螢光幕前，眾家名嘴們還在口沫橫飛，痛罵內閣改組劉揆不辭之際，電視跑馬燈已經打出幾個震撼台灣政壇的大字：「劉揆請辭獲准」！名嘴們還來不及撿拾跌破的鏡片，只能錯愕的承認，劉兆玄果然是號人物。

人生就是這樣，政治往往也是這樣，失去的，才突然回神發覺，原來他還不錯。但是，來不及了。一個專業團隊，終究不敵政治算計、不敵選舉考量、不敵重大災難累積的龐大民怨。劉內閣號稱博士內閣，多數是專業官僚出身的老將，他們什麼都懂，就是不懂民意氣候；但是，他們也有專業官僚的骨氣，非常知道去留之間，背影的重要。

劉揆早在八八水災釀成民怨前就已向馬英九總統口頭請辭。劉揆勉力留任，為的是撐住災後第一個月的救災重建期。在過去三個星期時間中，劉揆承擔無數罵名，他一句話不說，甚至和多數決定離開的部會首長合演這齣戲，為的只是避免更多改組傳言或謠言，打擊災後同樣受重創的內閣。

時代確實不一樣了，蔣經國時代或李登輝前期出身的財經科技官僚，有專業、有執著，卻缺乏民選的洗禮，他們自認經國濟世，民眾卻覺得他們高高在上；害羞於張開雙臂擁抱群眾的人，得不到民眾熱情回應，只能黯然離開政治舞台。

但是，這一年三個月，這個財經專業內閣，的確做了不少事，兩岸三通直航、經濟鬆綁、順利參與ＷＴＯ「政府採購協定」和世衛大會、推動縣市升格、更沉穩因應讓台灣度過全球金融風暴。凡走過的必留下痕跡，無視政治算計的劉內閣在短短的時間裡，讓台灣重新回味一個不談政治、不想選舉的年代，可以做多少事。一年三個月的時間，太短了，但是，天災非人為可以控制，面對天災的反應與民眾期待有落差，毅然選擇離開，也不必有遺憾。

劉揆請辭獲准同時，總統府宣布正副院長分別由立委吳敦義、桃園縣長朱立倫接任。這兩位身負組閣重任的正、副行政首長，和劉內閣特性迥異，兩人都是民選出身，政治身段柔軟，選舉戰鬥力特強。簡單講，劉內閣不諳民意氣候的弱點，在吳、朱身上可以得到九成九的補強，然而，長處也可能正是吳、朱的罩門。

吳敦義是蔣經國時代刻意栽培的省籍精英，崛起於政壇甚早，歷練甚豐，卻在高雄市長選舉一役敗北，其中固然有所謂緋聞錄音帶的傷害，但很大因素還是與他地方經營著力不深有關。緊接著，政黨輪替，讓吳敦義失去中央歷練的機會。多數民眾對他的印象是選舉上能征善打，政策上到底有多少遠見？卻是一片空白。朱立倫則是國民黨新崛起的中生代精英，政治世家的背景，讓他行走政壇省不少力；但是，除了為桃園招商，他的財經專業在他的立委與縣長經歷中並不凸顯。在台灣最需要經濟轉型起飛的時刻，吳、朱兩人能否脫出政治框架，帶領台灣走出一條不一樣的發展之路，是兩人最大的考驗。

就在內閣確定總辭前，台灣才度過達賴訪台的不確定危機；這個危機之所以生成，一方面固然是出於民進黨地方首長的力邀，另一方面卻是出於國民黨高層會議的首肯。在府院黨高層會議中，力主達賴來訪者，吳敦義正是關鍵人物之一，吳敦義的政治算盤讓民進黨丟給馬英九的燙手山芋，轉而拋回給民進黨；國民黨贏了這一局，卻讓兩岸建立不易的互信遭到嚴峻的考驗，當高層喘口氣認為兩岸危機正如輕舟已過萬重山，達賴卻誠實以告：兩岸關係有沒有變化，在未來半年到一年中才看得出來。吳、朱內閣的選舉性格，能否延續劉內閣的兩岸政策，勢必成為北京觀察的重點，吳、朱不能不慎。

吳敦義和朱立倫出任行政重職，不能不體會此時此刻肩上要扛的重擔，遠遠超過他們過去的政治歷練。八八災後重建才開始，劉內閣規畫的防災與重建機制，必須靠他們實踐；他們不但不能以選舉成敗做為政策的唯一指標，相反的，他們必須展現過去不被民眾看到的遠見。重建兩岸互信從現在就要開始，選舉算計不能壓倒國家利益，政黨壁壘不能阻礙施政，吳、朱必須謹記，他們不是執政黨的行政團隊，而是中華民國的行政團隊！