Rid the KMT of Factions, Now

Rid the KMT of Factions, Now
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
September 28, 2009


What does winning or losing an election mean? A single legislative seat? Or whether casinos will be built in a particular electoral district? On September 26, Yunlin held legislative by-elections and Penghu held a referendum on whether to legalize gambling. As it turned out, the KMT vote was split in the legislative by-elections, allowing the DPP nominee to ease himself into office. The results of the referendum, on the other hand, were contrary to expectations. Social movements staunchly opposed to legalized gambling prevented passage of the the referenda. Because most KMT officials supported legalization of gambling in Penghu, these local votes were characterized as "setbacks for the KMT," or even the "Ma administration's loss of power."

Based purely on the vote counts, the legislative seats, as well as the KMT's policy proposals, these inferences would be correct. But if one examines these two local votes at a deeper level, we may need to redefine victory and defeat.

Take the Yunlin legislative by-election. The by-election was necessary because the KMT candidate was declared ineligible following his conviction for bribery. KMT candidates in Yunlin must almost always accede to the demands of local factions. Toward the end of the Lee Teng-hui era, these local factions both depended on the KMT, and fed on the KMT. They have undergone very little change. Eventually they contributed to the downfall of the Lee Teng-hui regime, making it synonymous with "black gold." During the eight years since the change in ruling parties, some of these local factions have switched their allegiance to the DPP. Chiayi County has broken out of the stranglehold of these local factions. But most regions have changed little. They may be dependent on the KMT or independent candidates, but they are always making deals. These local political bosses are always hijacking the elections to maintain their local political and economic power base. Meanwhile, they eat away at the KMT. Yunlin County is a typical example. It is always Chang Jung-wei. It is always the Yunlin Irrigation Association. It is aways a case of "Meet my demands or I will back the DPP!" Chang Jung-wei definitely has power. His power, however, is always in the service of Chang Jung-wei. The Yunlin Irrigation Association is a local network cultivated by the KMT. But it is not that different from the Chang Jung-wei faction. For them, the KMT's raison d'etre is to ensure that the Chang Jung-wei faction or the Yunlin Irrigation Association does not fall.

These factions should change with the times in order to meet the needs of the people. They should establish clean government. If they were to do so, they would not constitute a problem. Unfortunately these local politicians who depend upon local factions for their survival, all play by the same old rules of the game. It makes no difference how well educated they may be, or how impressive their resume might look. Are the candidates unwilling to buy votes? No problem, the local political bosses who support them will do the buying for him. Is the candidate's son unwilling to buy votes? No problem, I'll buy votes for him. The local election system treats voters like idiots. Is it any wonder it suffered a defeat?

The Yunlin by-election has gained the DPP one more legislative seat. The impact of this one seat on the legislature is not that significant. The KMT still commands an overwhelming majority in the Legislative Yuan. The DPP is still a long way off from having enough seats to force a presidential recall. On the other hand, local factions now have the DPP in a stranglehold. The DPP would have been better off stiffening its resolve and declaring "honor before riches!" Ma Ying-jeou made just such a declaration during the controversy over the Hualien County party primaries. During the Yunlin County legislative by-election he demonstrated quiet determination, from beginning to end.

The Penghu referendum pertained to the legalization of gambling. Penghu's local politics are not as distinctive as Yunlin's. But neither is it that different. In the end, there is only the "King of Penghu." The local officials who surround the King of Penghu all sing the same tune. They want casinos. They began lobbying for casinos during the Lee Teng-hui era. During the eight year long Ah-Bian administration. these local politicians who depend upon the KMT, were miraculously able to gain the support of DPP heavyweights. Even former Vice President Annette Lu took the time out to make an inspection tour. But controversy over the casino has been too great. It has been repeatedly debated for over 10 years. But no one has been able to bring it to fruition.

President Ma Ying-jeou's campaign platform endorsed casinos in special districts on the outer islands, but only if local residents held a referendum. As with the Yunlin legislative by-election, Ma Ying-jeou remained silent from beginning to end. He allowed locals to make their own decisions. The King of Penghu had little chance to influence Ma Ying-jeou. Ma Ying-jeou expressed no opinions. KMT legislators' were also divided, and included both supporters and opponents. The legislature did not intervene in the referendum. It allowed local politics free reign. For the next three years at least, it will be unnecessary to waste energy debaing whether to build casinos on Penghu. Should other cities and counties should build casinos? Penghu County has established a precedent. A referendum is the easiest way to resolve disputes and achieve consensus.

The Kuomintang ruled on Taiwan for over half a century. Yet Black Gold brought this venerable party down overnight. The lesson is clear. The KMT has been back in power less than a year and a half. Yet the same special interests, the same outmoded ways of thinking are gradually re-emerging. The political calculations of local factions and party heads have never been based on deep convictions or high ideals. The results of the Yunlin County legislative by-election and the Penghu referendum have given the KMT a chance to re-examine their convictions and ideals, to recall the commitments they made back in 2008 in order to reclaim political power: integrity and reform.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2009.09.28
社論－國民黨擺脫派系羈絆 此其時矣
本報訊

選舉輸贏的定義是什麼？一席立委？還是在地方開辦一個國際賭場？九月廿六日這一天，雲林和澎湖，分別舉辦立委補選以及博弈公投，巧不巧，對人的選舉，國民黨分裂，讓民進黨提名者順利當選。至於對事的公投，出乎原先的預期，在反公投社運積極不放棄的宣揚下，開放博弈未能過關；又因為國民黨公職多支持澎湖開放博弈，這兩個地方性的選舉被界定為「國民黨的挫敗」，甚至是「馬政權的鬆動」。

如果單純從選舉得票數、國會席次以及國民黨政策主張而論，上述推論理所當然是對的。但是更深一層推究這兩地選舉的本質，輸贏的定義可能就得重新寫過。

以雲林立委補選來說，選舉的發端是因為國民黨參選人涉入賄選遭起訴判刑後，依法取消當選資格。國民黨參選人在雲林，幾乎從無例外必須妥協於地方派系的需求，從李登輝執政末期，這些依靠國民黨、卻又蠶食國民黨的地方派系，進步不大、幾無轉型，結果讓李登輝政權以「黑金」之名終結；八年政黨輪替，這些地方派系少數轉而靠攏民進黨，像嘉義縣，進而打破地方派系生態；但多數變化不大，不論是否依附國民黨，或以無黨籍之外，終究還是以派系協調、樁腳綁票的模式，維繫地方政商力量，同時，繼續啃食國民黨。雲林縣就是典型之一，永遠的張榮味、永遠的水利會、永遠擺不平就靠向民進黨，張榮味確有實力，他的實力卻永遠只為張派服務；水利會是國民黨培植的地方網絡，但和張派差別不大，對他們而言，國民黨存在的前提是：張派（或水利會）不倒。

如果派系能與時俱進，體會時代與人民需求，適應或重建一個乾淨的地方生態，派系不倒問題不大，偏偏這些依附於地方派系生存的政治人物，不論學歷有多高，經歷有多美，都得照著派系的規章辦事，候選人不買票？成，樁腳買；兒子不買票？好，老子買；拿地方民眾當白痴的競選文化，不敗才怪！

雲林補選讓民進黨多一席立委，這席立委於國會政黨生態影響不大，國民黨在立法院還是最大多數；民進黨席次距離所謂罷免總統，還很遙遠，與其一而再、再而三地被地方派系掐著脖子，不如鐵了心，「寧要清廉不要黑金！」馬英九在花蓮縣長黨內提名爭議中，曾經發過類似重語，雲林立委補選一役，從頭到尾他不加聞問，展現了他在沉默中的決心！

澎湖開放博弈則屬於事的公投，澎湖雖不至於像雲林地方生態如此壁壘分明，但差異沒這麼大，地方數來數去就是一位「澎湖王」，而圍繞在澎湖王身邊的地方公職口徑一致，要求設置賭場，早從李登輝時代就開始各路遊說，即使扁政府八年，這群依附於國民黨的地方人物，依舊神通廣大地取得民進黨重要人物的支持，連前副總統呂秀蓮都還煞有介事地考察過。但就因為賭場爭議過大，十多年來幾番討論，還是沒辦法付諸實現。

馬英九總統的競選政見雖然贊成離島設置博弈特區，但前提是要經過住民公投，與雲林立委補選一樣，馬英九從頭到尾並未再置一詞，完全放手讓地方人士自行裁奪，所謂的澎湖王，幾乎沒有在馬英九身上下工夫的空間；不但馬英九不多言，國民黨立委之間意見亦屬分歧，支持與反對者皆有之，國會亦未介入這次公投，讓地方公共事物有一個充分自主決擇的空間。至少未來三年，不必再費神費力在澎湖要不要設置賭場這件事上，至於其他縣市要不要設置賭場？有澎湖縣為前例，公投，就是一個最簡單化解爭議，取得最大共識的方法。

國民黨在台執政超過半世紀，「黑金」兩個字就能一夕整垮這個百年老黨，前車之鑑未遠，國民黨才拿回政權一年半不到，老勢力、舊思維，又逐漸顯現張牙舞爪之態；地方派系、政黨山頭背地裡撥打的算盤，從來不是信念和理想，雲林立委補選、澎湖公投的結果，正好給國民黨一個重新檢視信念和理想的機會，重回二○○八贏回政權之初衷：清廉、改革。