Today and Tomorrow: New Beginnings for the KMT and DPP

Today and Tomorrow: New Beginnings for the KMT and DPP
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
September 10, 2009

Today President Ma Ying-jeou's administration underwent its first general resignation and cabinet reshuffling since taking office. Tomorrow, the court will hand down its verdict in the first instance in the Chen Shui-bian corruption case. For the KMT, today is a new beginning. For the DPP, tomorrow is a new beginning.

One year and four months ago, amidst an atmosphere of "ma shang jiu hao" or "things will get better once Ma is elected," the KMT won the presidential election. But the Ma administration is now in tatters, barely able to stand. It is probably ashamed and fearful, full of mixed feelings. Water can support a boat. But water can also overturn a boat. This lesson is now deeply etched in the hearts of the Ma administration.

The public is accustomed to cabinet reshufflings. It knows cabinet reshufflings do not necessarily lead to a national rebirth. Premier Liu was eventually forced to resign not just because of the 8/8 Flood. The 8/8 Flood was the result of extreme weather conditions. Soil and water conditions were already extremely unfavorable. Floods were already occurring almost every year. The earth often subsided several meters. A frustrated public demanded a general accounting. The Ma Liu administration was in office, therefore all the blame fell on it. To be fair, for years local governments did nothing. Their responsibility for the disaster was just as great as the central government's. Therefore, when the Ma administration seeks to understand why the Liu cabinet was forced to resign, it must look beyond the 8/8 Flood. Only then can it find its way.

First, President Ma must rebuild his image. In 2008, the KMT successfully generated political momentum for a "second change in ruling parties." That support for the KMT rested primarily on Ma Ying-jeou's personal image. Now support for Ma has been shaken. The administration as a whole can no longer hold. Second, Ma must offer a vision for the nation. The Ma administration remains mired in the political quagmire created by Chen Shui-bian, as well as the social and economic catastrophe caused by the financial tsunami and 8/8 Flood. The Ma administration's efforts at healing have left the community with the impression that the administration is merely engaged in patchwork repairs, and sweeping the mess under the rug. The public has yet to hear anything inspirational, such as sweeping calls for an "Asian-Pacific platform." Third, he must create a capable administrative team. The Kuomintang government has been an underachiever, derelict in its duty. Fighting alone, President Ma can do little. Some cabinet members can't even express themselves coherently. Chiu Yi alone has more firepower than the entire KMT legislative caucus. The party and the cabinet communications systems are also inept and derelict in their duties. They are unable to cope with crises. These deficiencies have landed the Ma administration in its current pickle. If the Ma Wu team hopes to experience a rebirth, all this must change.

When the verdict is handed down in the Chen Shui-bian corruption case tomorrow, the DPP will have an opportunity to remake itself. If the DPP wants to save itself, it must do two things. First, it must cut its ties to Chen Shui-bian. Second, it must rethink its cross-Strait posture. Chen Shui-bian and the Taiwan independence movement have become a single organism. Therefore these two things are actually two sides of the same coin.

The DPP has long invoked "procedural justice" when defending Chen Shui-bian. Tomorrow however, it will find itself face to face with "substantive justice," as rendered by the criminal court. Even Chen Shui-bian himself anticipates a harsh sentence. The DPP should not be so foolish as to challenge the court's verdict. That will merely make it even more difficult for the DPP to disassociate itself from Chen Shui-bian. If the DPP wishes to demonstrate its respect for justice, it must redefine its relationship with Chen Shui-bian. In the event he is found guilty in the first instance, the DPP Committee for Clean Government must revoke Chen Shui-bian's party membership. If it does so, it can claim that Chen Shui-bian and the DPP are no longer linked. Will the party leadership take advantage of this opportunity to cut its ties to Chen Shui-bian? Whether it does will determine the fate of the Democratic Progressive Party.

When the court hands down its sentence in the first instance, Chen Shui-bian might not be released. If the DPP Central Executive Committee decides to take to the streets, the DPP will find it impossible to disassociate itself from Chen Shui-bian. Chen may not be released. The DPP may protest on behalf of Chen. If Chen is released, he will run amok and hijack the DPP. The DPP will find itself the permanent hostage of Chen Shui-bian and the Taiwan independence movement.

A new cross-Strait policy is the key to the Democratic Progressive Party's survival. Chen Chu put on a phony show of goodwill toward Beijing for the sake of the World Games. Then in a deliberate act of provocation, she invited the Dalai Lama to Taiwan. She even showed a Rebiya Kadeer documentary film. Such moves may make her popular with fundamentalist supporters. But they have already inflicted major damage on the DPP's cross-Strait policy. Chen Shui-bian's cross-Strait policy games led to his collapse. Chen Chu's cross-Strait policy games are compounding Chen's blunder. Does this have something to do with the DPP's genetic makeup? Is the DPP doomed to repeat these blunders?

Today and tomorrow are rare opportunities for the public to reflect on the state of the nation. When President Ma visited disaster areas, housewives denounced him and demanded that he step down. Chen Shui-bian's corruption has already resulted in three years of social turmoil. But many still scream, "Support Chen, Save Taiwan." What has become of fairness? What has become of justice? On today's Taiwan, right and wrong are determined by TV pundits, or by news editors who decide which sound bites to broadcast. In what direction should a ruling administration leader lead such a society? How about the political opposition?

Today and tomorrow, please grant Taiwan a new beginning. God Bless the Republic of China. God Bless the public on Taiwan!

今天明天是國民黨民進黨的新開始
【聯合報╱社論】
2009.09.10 04:26 am

今天，馬英九總統主政後首次總辭改組的新內閣就任；明天，扁案首波四案一審宣判。今天是國民黨的新開始，明天是民進黨的新開始。

一年四個月前，在「馬上就會好」的氛圍中贏得總統大選的國民黨，面對眼前這個東扶西倒、捉襟見肘的局面，內心應是慚愧惶恐、百感交集。水則載舟，水則覆舟，竟是如此刻骨銘心。

國人已經慣見內閣改組，亦知內閣改組未必就能創造國家新生。劉內閣終於走到被迫總辭的地步，不能只從八八水災而論；因為，八八水災是因極端氣候的非常洪水，出現在水土早已嚴重破壞、且其實大多每年都淹水、甚至地層下陷幾公尺的地區使然；遂致「跟你算總帳」的民怨，一時間全都倒在馬劉政府的頭上。持平而論，地方政府歷年放任累積釀災因素的責任，絕不會小於中央政府。因此，馬政府必須超越八八水災來省思造成劉內閣總辭的原因，才能找到未來的正確方向。

一、馬總統必須重建形象。國民黨二○○八創造「二次政黨輪替」的主要動力，主要是靠馬英九這個神話人物來支撐；現在馬的社會支持度動搖，整個政府就撐持不住。二、必須創設國家憧憬。馬政府迄今仍陷於陳水扁所製造的政治廢墟，及金融海嘯與八八水災所造成的社經災難之中；修補療傷的工作給社會留下的印象只是東挖西補、收拾殘局而已，未見「亞太平台」之類足以號召人心、整合全局的大號召。三、必須有「團隊」表現。國民黨團隊的低能失職，也是造成馬總統獨木難擎的原因。過去有些閣員連基本的言語邏輯能力都沒有，而整個立院黨團的火力竟不如一個邱毅，黨與內閣的發言機構亦失職失能，再加上處理危機的能力拙劣，這些皆是造成今日困局的原因。馬吳體制若欲新生更始，凡此皆須改革維新。

明天扁案宣判更是民進黨新生更始的契機，尤不待贅言。民進黨維新自救有兩大課題：一、與陳水扁切割；二、重建兩岸論述。又因「扁獨合體」，所以這兩個課題其實已是一體兩面。

民進黨一直以「程序正義」聲援陳水扁，明天則將面對法院對犯罪課刑「實質正義」的判決。連陳水扁自己也認為會被處重刑，民進黨應不會愚至不承認法院的宣判，那將使民進黨更不可能與扁切割；反之，倘若民進黨「尊重司法」，則勢須重新交代黨與扁的關係，廉能會也必須作出「一審有罪就除名」的處分。倘係如此，則「陳水扁已與民進黨無關聯」的形式條件即已成立；黨中央能否運用此一時機，與扁作出比較明確的切割，即是決定民進黨未來命運的關鍵一舉。

民進黨中執會決議，倘若陳水扁在一審宣判後未能開釋，將發動街頭抗爭；這已使民進黨不可能與扁切割。不開釋，民進黨為扁抗爭；開釋，則扁趴趴走，挾持民進黨。民進黨勢將無法走出「扁獨合體」的困境。

兩岸政策是民進黨的生死門。陳菊那種「為世運向北京示好／邀訪達賴向北京挑釁／放映熱比婭紀錄片」的手法，或許有助抬高她自己的民粹行情，卻已對民進黨的兩岸政策造成了重大創傷。陳水扁因玩弄兩岸政策而仆倒，而陳菊又因玩弄兩岸政策而竄起！這難道是民進黨的基因？難道是民進黨的宿命？

今天與明天，也是國人對國家全局進行省思的難得時會。這個社會已經變成馬總統走過災區，被苦於清淤的主婦大聲斥責「This man下台」的社會；這個社會也已經變成扁案喧騰三年，但迄今仍有不少人大聲主張「挺扁救台」的社會。何謂公平？何謂正義？今天台灣的是非黑白已完全操縱在電視名嘴的手中，或決定在電視新聞任意剪接的幾句sound bite之上。這樣的社會能否為執政者找到正確的方向？能否為反對黨找到正確的方向？

今天與明天，請給台灣一個新的開始吧。天祐中華民國，天祐台灣人民！