Love For Taiwan is not the Exclusive Franchise of Any Minority or Any Political Party

Love For Taiwan is not the Exclusive Franchise of Any Minority or Any Political Party
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
May 20, 2011

Three years ago, President Ma Ying-jeou delivered his inaugural address. People across the nation witnessed a second change in ruling parties in the Republic of China. Three years later, President Ma Ying-jeou walked out onto Ketegelan Boulevard and met with the press. Ma Ying-jeou's action underscored how much importance he attached to his words. Needless to say, it also underscored how much he wants to be re-elected six months from now.

During the press conference, President Ma proposed that Tainan Airport become the ninth airport to offer cross-strait direct flights. He underscored the need for "generational justice," Young people, he said, are the future of Taiwan. He stressed that "Love for Taiwan" was not the exclusive franchise of any minority or any particular political party. Experience has shown that a Closed Door Policy leads to national decline. Only opening a nation up can bring prosperity, can lay a foundation for the next generation. Only that exemplifies genuine "love for Taiwan."

This is what we have long maintained. We call on ruling and opposition politicians to refrain from divisive political language. We ask them not to hurt the feelings of the majority on Taiwan, merely for electoral advantage. Everyone on Taiwan loves Taiwan. Taiwan is our home. It is where we have chosen to settle. Our achievements and the welfare of the next generation, all depend upon prosperity and growth on Taiwan.

Recall the situation before the second change in ruling parties. The Republic of China had fallen victim to wholesale corruption, perpetrated by its own head of state, Eight years of scorched earth diplomacy had reduced diplomatic support for the ROC to a new low. The economy was in stagnation. Ma Ying-jeou was elected by a landslide. This reflected public demand for clean politics, economic liberalization, social harmony, and cross-Strait peace.

Over the past three years, the Ma administration has been buffeted by one wave after another. The global financial tsunami, the recession, and Typhoon Morakot severely traumatized the Liu cabinet. This was followed in quick succession by the H1N1 Influenza epidemic, which left the administration gasping for air. Amidst these difficulties, the Ma administration promoted cross-Strait direct links full force. It opened Taiwan to tourists from the Mainland. It brought the two sides closer to each other than they have ever been. It eased the harm done by the financial tsunami. It signed the cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), writing a new page in cross-Strait economic and trade cooperation. It gained the ROC increased international space. The Ma administration gained the ROC observer status at the WHO, under the name "Chinese Taipei." It succeeded magnificently in gaining visa-free status for ROC passport holders, with 114 countries. These achievements are not something the DPP can dismiss merely by accusing the Ma administration of "pandering to [Mainland] China,"

In March, the Executive Yuan Research, Development and Evaluation Commission conducted a study. President Ma had over 400 planks in his election platform. They included "completed" and "under implementation with phased results." Ma fulfilled 90% of his election promises. These promises include National Pensions, Labor Pensions, the five cities restructuring, government reorganization, taxes for civil service employees and teachers, and the luxury tax. Every one of these was discussed endlessly by previous administrations, but all to no effect.

Yet all these achievements have failed to ensure President Ma Ying-jeou's popularity, which has fallen precipitously since he was first elected. A string of large and small by-elections have been held over the past three years, in which the ruling KMT endured repeated defeats. Taiwan emerged from the financial tsunami. According to the Lausanne Institute of Management, Taiwan's global competitiveness rating lept to number six. Yet most members of the public insist they have experienced no recovery. Why not?

Consider cross-Strait diplomacy. The ROC is in a difficult situation internationally. The Ma administration has made the best of a bad situation. It should not worry about the opposition party criticizing it for "surrending its sovereignty to Mainland China." On the contrary, the Ma administration should ask itself whether it is too tentative in its promotion of cross-Strait exchanges. Is it more concerned with formal agreements than with substantive progress? For example, Mainland investments on Taiwan are subject to strict controls. Mainland students studying on Taiwan are subject to all sorts of limitations. Even students from Taiwan studying on Mainland China, cannot obtain military service deferments.

Consider domestic policy. To the opposition party, the five cities restructuring, may have seemed like a farce. The five cities are still in the middle of break in period. The Executive Yuan will be reorganized early next year. How will the various ministries be reorganized? Everyone is worried. Second-generation health insurance has finally passed. But a high price was paid. The Director of Health was forced to resign. Ma ended the controversy over the Kuo Kuang Petrochemical controversy. But no one praised the president for his resolve. Even President Ma's nomination of important officials aroused major storms.

All sorts of major policies were pushed through. Yet criticisms outnumber praise. The reason why is not complicated. First, the government agencies concerned failed to make comprehensive plans. Second, even when they made comprehensive plans, they lacked confidence. They did not persevere, They compromised, and debased their accomplishments. Third, government officials lacked the ability and courage to defend their policies. Fourth, the President is still accustomed to inner circle decision-making. Before launching policy, he failed to solicit the views of the public. Only when disputes arose, did he rush to put out the fires.

President Ma is a rare bird -- an honest political leader. He is decent. He is not weak. Still less is he incompetent. He has a clear vision of the direction the nation ought to take. He must not be afraid to implement that vision. He must not allow himself to become mired in details and lose his focus. The ROC is a democratic society. For 35% of the public to oppose you is normal. Solicit a wide range of opinions before making a decision, But in the end, arrive at your own decision. Make your administration work as a team. This is the least we can expect from a leader. President Ma: Have confidence. Be a leader.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2011.05.20
社論－愛台灣非少數人或特定政黨專利
本報訊

三年前，馬英九總統發表就職演說，全國民眾見證中華民國二次政黨輪替的民主成就；三年後，馬英九總統走出凱達格蘭大道南下舉行中外記者會。馬英九的行動，顯示出他對這次講話的重視，當然，也顯示他對自己未來半年競選連任的強烈企圖心。

馬總統在記者會中，除了提出將台南機場列為第九個兩岸直航機場，並特別提出「世代正義」，年輕人未來就是台灣的未來，他並強調，愛台灣不是少數人或特定政黨的專利，從過去經驗看，鎖國造成衰敗，開放才能帶來興旺，只有為下一代累積更好的基礎，才是真正愛台灣。

這正是我們一貫主張，並呼籲朝野政治人物不要為了選舉利害，以割裂式的政治語言，傷害多數台灣人民的感情。因為，每一個在這塊土地上的台灣人，沒有不愛台灣的，台灣是我們安身立命的原鄉，我們的成就、下一代的茁壯，都得依附於台灣的繁榮發展。

回憶二次政黨輪替前的場景，台灣陷入國家元首貪腐的沉痛，國際支持因為八年烽火外交而空前低迷，整體經濟形勢停滯，馬英九以超高選票當選，完全反應民眾期待一個政治清廉、經濟開放、族群和諧、兩岸和平的前景。

三年來，馬政府波折起伏不斷，從全球金融海嘯、經濟衰退到莫拉克風災，重創劉內閣，緊接著還有Ｈ１Ｎ１新流感的衝擊，幾無一絲喘息空間。在艱難的處境中，馬政府全面推動兩岸三通直航，開放陸客來台觀光，兩岸和平讓兩岸交流空前密切，某種程度緩和了金融海嘯的傷害，兩岸並簽署經濟合作框架協議（ＥＣＦＡ），為兩岸經貿合作寫下新頁；在爭取國際空間上，馬政府成功地讓台灣以「中華台北」的名稱，成為世衛組織觀察員的身分，更創下一百一十四國免簽證的亮麗成績。凡此種種，都不是民進黨一句「馬政府傾中」的扣帽子言論所能抹殺。

另根據研考會三月分的追蹤，馬總統四百多項政見，預估包括「已完成」和「執行中具階段性成果」者，其落實率可達百分之九十。不論是國民年金、勞保年金、五都改制、政府組織再造乃至公教課稅、開徵奢侈稅等，無一不是過去討論多年毫無進展的大工程。

然而，這些成績卻沒辦法讓馬英九總統維持當選時的超高人氣，甚至在三年內大大小小的補選中，重新執政的國民黨屢嘗敗績。即使走過金融風暴，台灣的全球競爭力在洛桑管理學院的評比中，躍進到第六名，「無感復甦」卻仍是多數民眾朗朗上口的用詞，何以至此？

就兩岸外交面看，馬政府已經在台灣處境維艱的國際現實下，開啟一個最好的局面，不必擔心反對黨所批評的「主權向中國大陸傾斜」，相反的，馬政府還要深刻思考，是否在推動兩岸政策時太過左支右絀，以至形式協議遠勝過實質進展？隨便舉例，諸如開放陸資來台要嚴管，開放陸生來台三限六不，甚至連台生赴大陸就讀，都不能比照國外求學予以兵役緩徵。

從內政上看，五都改制連在反對黨眼裡，都彷彿是鬧劇一場，迄今五都都還在磨合適應中；明年初即將實施的行政院組織再造，各部會如何重新拼裝，無人不憂心忡忡；二代健保終於通過，卻付出犧牲了一位署長的代價；國光石化爭議喊停，卻沒人稱許總統的魄力；甚至馬總統個人提名的重大人事案無一不引起爭議和風波。

種種類別不同的重大政策，都推動了，得到的批評卻都比肯定要多，原因一點都不複雜：第一，政府相關部門沒有規畫完全的配套；第二，有配套者卻無信心，不敢全力施為，以至妥協折中而變了貌；第三，政府首長缺乏政策辯護的能力和勇氣；第四，總統仍習於內圍決策，未能在政策推出前廣徵意見，以至總是爭議發生才急於滅火。

馬總統是難得正派的政治領袖，正派不是軟弱，更非無能。既對國家方向和發展有明確抱負，就應該勇於實現，而非拘泥於框框條條讓國家藍圖因此模糊；台灣是一個民主社會，至少三成五的人屬必然反對係正常現象，決策前廣為徵詢意見，最後形成主見，要求政府團隊齊心齊力，是領導者的基本條件，期許馬總統：堅定信心，落實領導。