A Relentless Quest for Breathing Space

A Relentless Quest for Breathing Space
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
May 12, 2011

The World Health Organization recently sent a private message to its member states. President Ma Ying-jeou held a press conference, loudly protesting its contents. He criticized Beijing, using uncommonly harsh language. President Ma's anger echoed public sentiment on Taiwan. Beijing has recently made a number of concessions to Taipei, including allowing it to attend the WHO conference. But the goodwill gained by this gesture has probably taken a serious hit.

Since President Ma took office, he has made a concerted effort to promote cross-Strait reconciliation. An implicit "diplomatic truce" is now in place. The two sides no longer try to lure away each other's allies. They no longer engage in a tug of war within international organizations. They no longer engage in checkbook diplomacy. Beijing sought to demonstrate its understanding of public opinion on Taiwan. It allowed Taipei to enjoy observer status at the World Health Assembly, under the name "Chinese Taipei." Our own Director of Health, who led the delegation, was addressed as "Minister," and was allowed to address the General Assembly. From Taipei's perspective, these were extremely encouraging developments. They were the Ma administration's most significant diplomatic achievement.

Given this positive precedent, the government hoped to strengthen contacts and exchanges with other member states. It hoped to replicate this model in other organizations. It hoped to participate in the International Civil Aviation Organization and the United Nations Climate Change Convention, also as an observer. It had already gained the support of the U.S. Congress and State Department. Taipei was all set to return to the world stage. The World Health Assembly was an important starting point.

But the leaked WHO documents show that Beijing's generosity toward Taipei remains limited. Basically, Beijing has no intention of giving way. The September 2009 letter, sent to member states by the WHO Secretariat read, "WHO Administrative Regulations pertaining to China's Taiwan Province." It specified that if WHO member states receive documents from Taipei, they should not contact Taipei directly, but should contact the WHO Secretariat. It specified that all WHO documents should use the term, "China's Taiwan Province." All information relating to Taiwan must be classified under "China." Taiwan must not be considered a separate state.

In terms of international law, the WHO is one of the UN's subsidiary organizations. Therefore its China policy must adhere to the position of the United Nations. This is no surprise. The United Nations recognizes the People's Republic of China as the sole legitimate representative of China, and Taiwan as part of China. But after Beijing's demonstration of goodwill, the WHO granted Taipei a number of concessions that transcend the United Nation's principles of recognition and acceptance. For example, it invited Taipei to its annual meeting. It allowed Taipei to use the name "Chinese Taipei." It did not classify the Taipei delegation as part of the Beijing delegation. It allowed Taipei's representatives to be addressed as "ministers." These could be seen as "exceptions." But they could also be seen as "precedents."

Judging from the contents of the letter, Beijing granted Taipei much face, but little substance. It refused to allow Taipei's attendance at the WHA become a precedent. It stipulated that Taipei's attendence was a "temporary exception" limited to the General Assembly session. It stipulated that no change whatsoever was allowed regarding the WHO's position on Taiwan per se. It hoped that member states would not misunderstand. It forbade member states from direct contacts and exchanges with Taipei.

Put more directly, Taipei hoped to take advantage of the WHO General Assembly model. It hoped to increase its participation in the international community. It hoped to actively develop relations with other countries, and gain greater support and sympathy. But Beijing is unwilling to see Taipei use such opportunities to become ever closer with other nations, and perhaps even breaking out of its isolation. Therefore it wants to prevent exchanges between other member states and Taipei. It has the same attitudes, and uses the same methods it did in the past, when it maintained a diplomatic blockade.

But the Secretary-General of WHO has no power to regulate the behavior of member states. Will member states play along? That remains to be seen. Taipei seeks international breathing space. It must rely on its own efforts, on its own strength. Taipei is an integral part of the global health system. It cooperates with the nations of the world in medical treatment, disease prevention, and health maintenance. Before Director of Health Chiu Wen-ta attended the WHO General Assembly in Geneva, he first visited the UK. Our own national health and disease control agencies also remain in close communication with other nations. The WHO missive may interfere with Taipei's efforts to communicate and cooperate with other nations. But it will never make us shrink or despair.

The two sides of the Strait have fundamental disputes over sovereignty. Exchanges allow the two sides to seek common ground, But when reconciliation reaches a certain stage, it will inevitably reveal contradictions over key issues. As Beijing sees it, allowing Taipei to attend the WHA was a major concession. If Taipei wants even more, it may need to offer something more substantial in exchange. These bargaining chips are in Beijing's hands. It is not about to relinquish them willingly. That may depend on political developments on Taiwan

As Taipei sees it, this adverse international situation is not surprising. We are not unduly naive. We do not engage in wishful thinking, We now have an opportunity to attend the WHA. Taipei must cherish this rare opportunity. We must not forsake it lightly. Our survival and dignity require strength and wisdom. Cross-Strait relations may be moving in a more positive direction. But we still need more international breathing space.

持續不懈爭取國際生存空間
2011-05-12 中國時報

針對世界衛生組織私下致會員國的函件，馬英九總統舉行記者會高分貝提出抗議，並以罕見的重話批評中共。馬總統的憤怒正是台灣人民共同的心聲，而大陸在台灣出席世衛大會上向台灣人民展現的善意形象，恐怕也因為這事件而大打折扣。

馬總統上任後努力推動兩岸和解，並在「外交休兵」默契下，兩岸不再挖邦交國或在國際組織中角力，也不再搞支票外交。而中國大陸為了展現對台灣民意的體諒，也破天荒願意讓台灣以「觀察員」身分、「中華台北」的名稱，獲邀出席世衛大會，率團的衛生署長被稱為「部長」，還能在大會上致詞。這些對台灣來說，都是極為振奮的成果，也是馬政府最重大的外交佳績。

有了這個好的模式，我國不但希望能藉此加強與其他會員國的接觸交流，更希望能在其他組織複製這個參與模式，尋求以觀察員身分進入國際民航組織與聯合國氣候變化公約，並且也已經獲得美國國會與國務院的表態支持。對台灣重返國際社會來說，世衛大會這個新舞台，是一個非常重要的起點。

但是，從流出的世衛內部文件看來，北京當局對台灣的慷慨實在相當有限，基本防線也沒有絲毫退讓的打算。這封二○○九年九月世衛祕書處發給各國世衛代表的《世衛條例對中國台灣省之執行作業準則》中，要求各國世衛單位不得與台北直接聯絡，若收到來自台北的公文訊息，也不能作任何回應，而是必須轉交世衛祕書處。所有世衛文件都必須使用「中國台灣省」，所有關於台灣的訊息資料都必須歸類在中國之下，不得視為另外的國家。

就國際法來說，世衛組織是聯合國的附屬機構，因此其中國政策遵循聯合國立場，並不讓人意外，而聯合國承認中華人民共和國是中國唯一合法代表、台灣屬於中國。在中共展現和解善意後，世衛在許多方面給了台灣一些超越聯合國原則的認可與接納，例如邀請出席年會、使用「中華台北」名稱、不列入中國代表團、稱呼「部長」等，這些可以被解讀為「特例」，但未來也可能成為「先例」。

根據函件內容，中共面子做給了台灣，不過裡子可是守得嚴密，堅決不讓台灣出席世衛大會成為「先例」，而且還只限於是在大會期間的「暫時性特例」。世衛本身對台灣的定位，不容許有絲毫改變，希望會員國也不要產生誤解，也不准許會員國直接與台灣接觸交流。

更直接講，台灣很希望藉著世衛大會模式，一方面強化自己參與國際社會的正當性，一方面積極與各國發展關係，爭取更多支持與同情。但中共卻不樂見台灣真的趁機和其他國家愈走愈近，甚至逐漸打破孤立處境，因此阻止其他會員國與台灣交往，這種心態和作法，與之前的外交封殺相差無幾。

然而，世衛祕書長有沒有權力限制會員國的行為、各會員國是不是都肯買帳，其實還很難說。台灣爭取國際空間，靠的是努力與實力，無論在醫療、防疫、健康、國際合作等各方面，台灣都是全球衛生體系不可或缺的一環。衛生署長邱文達出席日內瓦世衛大會之前，就先到英國訪問，而我國衛生疾管單位也和許多國家維持密切聯絡管道，世衛的通令，也許會對台灣尋求交流合作的努力造成干擾，卻絕不會讓我們有一絲一毫的氣餒退縮。

兩岸有根本性的主權爭議，交流時可以求同存異，但和解推動到了一個階段，終究可能在若干關鍵議題上露出矛盾。在北京看來，讓台灣出席世衛大會已是相當重大的讓步，如果要得更多，恐怕就得看台灣要拿什麼來換了。更實質的東西，是中共手上的談判籌碼，不會輕易鬆手，何況也要看台灣政局的發展走向。

對台灣來說，惡劣的國際局勢並不讓人意外，我們也不會過度天真或一廂情願，現在有機會出席世衛大會，台灣還是應該好好珍惜這個難得的舞台，不能輕言放棄。生存與尊嚴必須用實力與智慧去爭取，無論兩岸關係如何朝向更正面的發展，我們仍應為持續爭取國際生存的空間而努力。