Yesterday Chuang Kuo-jung, Today Chiang Wei-wen

Yesterday Chuang Kuo-jung, Today Chiang Wei-wen
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
May 30, 2011

During the 2008 general election, the Chen regime touted "de-Sinicization" and the "elimination of Chiang influences." Then Ministry of Education Secretary General Chuang Kuo-jung made himself the focus of public attention. He publicly shouted, "F**k Chiang Ching-kuo." Now, as we approach the 2012 general election, Chiang Wei-wen, an associate professor of Taiwanese literature at Cheng Kung University, is in the news. Chiang distributed posters blasting author Huang Chun-ming as a "Taiwanese author who does not write in Taiwanese, but instead in Chinese. He is a disgrace! "

Chuang and Chiang have something in common. Both promoted "de-Sinicization" and the "elimination of the legacy of the Republic of China." Both were young or middle-aged professors at national universities. The only difference was that Chuang Kuo-jung promoted "de-Sinicization" and the "elimination of the legacy of the Republic of China" as a mouthpiece of the Chen regime. Chiang Wei-wen promoted the same ideas under the guise of an opposition scholar. He and current Democratic Progressive Party presidential candidate Tsai Ing-wen both argued that "the Republic of China is a government in exile."

This is a living portrait of the Green Camp political culture. Chiang Wei-wen and his followers are pillars of the Green Camp. Therefore, when the Green Camp is in power, Chuang Kuo-jung and his followers can lead the ruling administration around by the nose. The ruling administration has no choice but to daqnce to the tune of Chuang Kuo-jung and his followers. Otherwise it will be unable to answer to them. If it loses the support of Chiang Wei-wen and his followers, it will lose the Chuang Kuo-jung seal of approval. Therefore is is hardly surprising that Tsai and Chiang both argue that "the Republic of China is a government in exile." Tsai Ing-wen gains the support of Chiang Wei-wen and his camp followers. Chiang Wei-wen and his camp followers, meanwhile, pin their hope of "de-Sinicizing" Taiwan on Tsai Ing-wen. To Chiang Wei-wen and his camp followers, Tsai Ing-wen is the next Chuang Kuo-jung or Chen Shui-bian.

The Chiang Wei-wen incident is not about academics. It is about politics. At its core, is the notion that "the Republic of China is a colonial government in exile." According to Chiang Wei-wen, the "Taiwanese language" includes the Hakka dialect, the Taiwanese aboriginal languages, and so-called "Taiwanese," i.e., the Minan dialect, but not the "Chinese Language." Why? Because the "Chinese Language" is purportedly "the language of the colonizers." Therefore it must be lumped in the same category as Japanese, English, and "other foreign languages."

According to their logic, the public on Taiwan is under ruled by "the Republic of China colonial government in exile." Its official language, Chinese, is a "foreign language," and yet it is deemed the "National Language." Chiang Wei-wen proposes to repeal the "Republic of China" national title. He says that to retain this national title is to retain the colonial government in exile. He proposes to abolish the "Chinese Language" and by means of "education," and change it to the "Taiwanese language."

Chiang Wei-wen's language proposal is merely an instrument of his political proposals. In fact, so-called "Taiwanese" is one of the basic "Han languages." Chiang Wei-wen and his followers want to rewrite "You and I" as "You kap me." But all they have done is take a regional dialect and call it a "language." All they have done doing is carry out an experiment. They have not departed one iota from the main body of the Chinese language. Besides, even the "Taiwan Independence Party Platform" is written using Chinese characters. Is that too "a disgrace?" Now consider their political concepts. So-called "Taiwanese," in its written form, is obviously Chinese. Suppose they completely jettison the traditional written form and write it using Roman letters? Chen Shui-bian advocated something similar when he claimed that Taiwan was actually under the jurisdiction of a U.S. military government. That claim amounted to the unconditional surrender of the Green Camp's hallowed notion of "Taiwan's primacy."

In 2008, Chuang Kuo-jung ranted and raved. Shih Ming-teh was the leader of the Red Shirt Army. The Green Camp accused Shih of "selling out Taiwan," It denounced Shih as a "traitor to Taiwan." Today, Chiang Wei-wen is ranting and raving. He has denounced Huang Chun-min, saying that Huang is a "Taiwanese author who does not write in Taiwanese, but in Chinese. He is a disgrace!" As the Green Camp sees it, when Shih Ming-teh championed "opposition to corruption," he betrayed "Taiwanese values." Huang Chun-min is a prolific author whose works are rich in local content. But as Chiang Wei-wen and his camp followers see it, none of that matters compared to a single "you kap me" phoneticization. The Green Camp's central article of faith remains the notion that "the Republic of China is a colonial government in exile."

Chiang Wei-wen is a Deep Green icon. His views are typical of Deep Greens. Most Green Camp figures are not quite so ridiculous. But all share the same central article of faith: "the Republic of China is a colonial government in exile." This is true of Lee Teng-hui. This is true of Chen Shui-bian. This is true of Koo Kuan-min. And this is true of Tsai Ing-wen.

Therefore if Tsai Ing-wen is elected president, she will be Chen Shui-bian redux. How can she possibly step up and assume the duties of "Republic of China President?" Chuang Kuo-jung, Chiang Wei-wen, and their followers, insist that "the Republic of China is a colonial government in exile." How can Tsai Ing-wen possibly assume the reins of such a government? For example, Chuang Kuo-jung, Chiang Wei-wen, and their followers oppose the 1992 Consensus. How can Tsai Ing-wen possibly free herself from this Green Camp/Taiwan independence movement straitjacket?

昔有莊國榮 今有蔣為文
【聯合報╱社論】 2011.05.30

二○○八年大選前，扁政府大搞「去中國化」、「去蔣化」，當年的教育部主任秘書莊國榮大出鋒頭，甚至公開罵蔣經國「他媽的」；現在，到了二○一二大選前，成功大學冒出了台文系副教授蔣為文，公開舉海報抗議作家黃春明「台灣作家不用台語，卻用中國語創作，可恥！」

莊蔣二人的共同處，皆在操作「去中國化」及「去中華民國化」，且兩人皆是出身國立大學的青壯教師；不同處，則在莊國榮當時是代表扁政府執政團隊操作「去中國化」及「去中華民國化」，而蔣為文則是以在野學者身分推動，他與民進黨總統參選人蔡英文同樣主張「中華民國是流亡政府」。

這正是綠營政治生態的鮮活寫照。由於綠營在社會中的支持者是以「蔣為文們」為主力；因此，當綠營執政時，朝中自以「莊國榮們」為班底。執政不走「莊國榮們」的風格，如何向「蔣為文們」交代？若失去「蔣為文們」的支持，「莊國榮們」即失去社會憑藉。因此，今日在蔡英文與蔣為文之間，存有「中華民國是流亡政府」這個交集，亦是理所當然。蔡英文以此取得「蔣為文們」的支持，而「蔣為文們」則將「去中國化」與「去中華民國化」寄託於蔡英文，蔡英文就是「蔣為文們」心中的下一個「莊國榮」或「陳水扁」。

蔣為文事件不是一個學術事件，而是一個政治事件。其理論體系的核心概念即是：「中華民國是外來殖民流亡政府」。因此，蔣為文主張，「台灣語言」包括了客家語、原住民語及台語（由閩南語易稱），卻不可包括「中國語」；因為，「中國語」是「殖民者的語言」，應與日語、英語等外國語歸為一類，不可列為「台灣語言」。

在此一邏輯下，如今的全體台灣人民非但皆在「中華民國外來殖民流亡政府」的統治之下，而且是以「外國語」（中國語）為「國語」。蔣為文的主張是：必須廢除「中華民國」的國號（他說，留住這個國號，就是外來殖民流亡政府），然後再廢止「中國語」，用「教育」改行「台語文」。

蔣為文的語文主張，只是他政治主張的工具。其實，「台語」本有一個「漢文」的基底，如今蔣為文等將「你和我」，改寫成「你kap我」，只能說是方言「文字化」的試驗，並未脫離「中國語文」的本體。何況，連「台獨黨綱」都是用「中國文字」寫的，難道亦是「可恥」？至於其政治主張，若將「台語」的漢字基底完全拋棄，全部羅馬拼音化，正如陳水扁主張將台灣交給美國軍政府一樣，那只是台灣主體性的更徹底淪喪。

二○○八年莊國榮發飆的時代，綠營將紅衫軍總指揮施明德指為「賣台集團」、「台奸」；如今蔣為文發飆，居然又指黃春明「台灣作家不用台語文創作」，斥為「可恥」。施明德反貪反腐的主張，在綠營看來，那是對「台灣價值」的背叛；黃春明著作等身所滿溢的對鄉土的濃重關懷，在「蔣為文們」看來，其實不如「你kap我」中間的那一個拼音字。這一切的一切，皆緣於綠營核心地帶的中心信仰：中華民國是外來殖民流亡政府！

蔣為文是深綠極獨的標竿與典型，但一般綠營人物的表現未必如此滑稽；然而，在他們之間，「中華民國是外來殖民流亡政府」的中心思想卻無二致，李登輝如此，陳水扁如此，辜寬敏如此，蔡英文亦如此。

因而，蔡英文如果當選總統，一如陳水扁，將如何以「中華民國總統」的身分，去接掌這個「莊國榮們／蔣為文們」所認定的「中華民國外來殖民流亡政府」？例如，「莊國榮們／蔣為文們」既反對「九二共識」，蔡英文又豈有可能跳出這個綠營及獨派的政治共軛？