Can the DPP Dissociate Itself from the Chen Corruption Case?

Can the DPP Dissociate Itself from the Chen Corruption Case?
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 7, 2011

On May 3, the Legislative Yuan amended the law. It decriminalized the Discretionary Fund. The Discretionary Fund case had dragged on for three years. Therefore, this was a red letter day. For high-ranking members of the DPP, it was a emotional watershed. Relevant bills are pending in the Legislative Yuan. If they pass their third reading, the DPP will finally be able to sever its emotional links with Chen Shui-bian, Can the DPP really emerge from under the shadow of Chen Shui-bian?

For government heads, the Discretionary Fund is considered a "skeleton in the closet." It affects a total of 7500 ruling and opposition party officials, including many DPP officials and DPP heavyweights. They will inevitably participate in the upcoming general election. The ruling and opposition parties are making determined efforts to recruit people from the Executive Yuan, the Legislative Yuan, and the DPP. Needless to say, none of them want to acknowledge this skeleton in their closet. They are highly motivated to amend the law. But over the past two years, the ruling and opposition parties have been deadlocked over Chen Shui-bian's State Affairs Fund case.

In the past the DPP argued, as Chen Shui-bian argued, that the President's State Affairs Fund was a type of Discretionary Fund for government heads. The DPP argued that Ah-Bian's State Affairs Fund case had to be decriminalized, since it too amounted to a Discretionary Fund case. The ruling and opposition parties have been unable to agree. Chen Shui-bian's State Affairs Fund case has yet to pass its third reading. But the DPP has already retreated. It has come to the realization that if the DPP is to have a future, it can no longer allow itself to be held back by Chen Shui-bian.

But emotional detachment is not the same as earnest soul-searching. Over the past three years, the Democratic Progressive Party has been led by Tsai Ing-wen. It has not engaged in earnest soul-searching over the corruption scandals of the Chen Shui-bian era. Yet it won a string of elections. As a result, the DPP is brimming over with confidence. It is certain that the shadow of the Chen regime's corruption is behind it. It is certain Chen era corruption will no longer hurt the DPP's election prospects. But the Chen corruption case remains a skeleton in the DPP's closet. The Chen corruption case may no longer be the current focus of public attention. But neither is it water under the bridge.

Then Bureau of Investigation Chief Yeh Sheng-mao is finally behind bars for his part in the case. This reminds the public that during his term, Chen Shui-bian abused the investigative powers of the intelligence agencies to liquidate his enemies and whitewash Chen family and DPP corruption. Chen family confidant Huang Fang-yan fled to the US. Graphic images of him thumbing his nose at the law were splashed across the front pages. We can hardly forget how the president abused his officially delegated powers. Worse still, he enabled those who lacked officially delegated powers to summon the wind and rain, to meddle in the affairs of the military, financial conglomerates, even department stores. He turned the Office of the President into a political patronage brokerage house.

The DPP has never engaged in soul-searching about these matters, let alone apologize to the nation. Until it does, Tsai Ing-wen and the DPP will never be free from the stigma of Chen Shui-bian. The media characterizes Tsai Ing-wen's campaign as "the Tsai Dynasty, founded by Chen Family Forces." Public perception is negative, but Tsai Ing-wen can say little in her own defense. That is because she has never drawn clear lines of distinction between herself and Chen. The Chen faction remains the equal of other factions within the DPP. It vigorously backed Tsai Ing-wen during the party primaries. It was a major campaign contributor. It has become part of the DPP's general election campaign committee. If in the future it makes any requests, can Tsai Ing-wen really say no?

Of course, Chen Shui-bian is not Tsai Ing-wen's only headache. The DPP is desperately anxious to return to power. Therefore, its current priority is to heal the rift between Tsai Ing-wen and Su Tseng-chang. This rift arose during the party primaries. If Tsai and Su are unable to reach an accord, the entire election campaign may remain in disarray. President Ma Ying-jeou is the incumbent. He and Premier Wu Den-yih are already at their battle stations, The ranks of the Blue Camp are largely complete. The DPP, on the other hand, may find its own ranks in disarray, unable to repel outside attackers due to internal strife.

The Tsai vs. Su rivalry is hardly the only internal dispute. For years, deep-rooted grievances have divided the DPP. These include factional disputes and non-factional disputes. Personal grudges between Frank Hsieh and Su Tseng-chang may have turned into factional grudges between the Hsieh faction and the Su faction. To some extent, Tsai Ing-wen used these long-standing grudges to give herself a leg up during the party primaries. Once she won, she obviously could not ill-treat Frank Hsieh, who saved the day. On the one hand, Tsai Ing-wen must win over Su Tseng-chang. On the other hand, she must not humiliate Frank Hsieh. Tsai Ing-wen may treat the personal grievances between herself and Su Tseng-chang as bygones. But Su and Hsieh must also reach an accord. None of this is going to be easy.

If Tsai Ing-wen cannot strike an accord between rival factions, the Executive Committee many find it difficult even to approve its nominees for Legislators without Portfolio during the June 25 Executive Committee. Some things are even more difficult than mollifying the factions. This time, the DPP chose not to hold party primaries. The entire roster of nominees was decided by the DPP party leadership. If the Legislators without Portfolio are merely the product of compromises between party factions, and demonstrate no professionalism or ability, Tsai Ing-wen may be hurt.

Next year's presidential election is only six months away. Important issues have been added to the agenda. Matters are already complicated, hence difficult to handle. In the end, this could influence the election and public perception. The Chen corruption case remains a skeleton in the DPP's closet. That is because the DPP has never faced the Chen corruption case squarely. As a result, this period of history will continue to haunt the DPP.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2011.06.07
社論－民進黨能擺脫扁案糾纏？
本報訊

　立法院今年五月三日修法，讓纏訟三年的特別費除罪化。那是一個具象徵意義的日子，對民進黨的高層而言，這是一個精神上的分水嶺，因為，相關法案若在立法院三讀通過，就是民進黨終於在心理上斬斷與陳水扁的牽連，只是，民進黨真的能從此擺脫陳水扁陰影的糾纏嗎？

　首長特別費案號稱歷史共業，牽連朝野政黨共七千五百人，其中包括不少黨政要員及民進黨大將，他們在即將到來的總統大選中，不可避免的都要投入選戰。從行政院、立法院到民進黨，朝野厲兵秣馬，準備要打贏這場選戰，當然都不願被這樣的「歷史共業」牽絆住，可以說有充分的修法動機，但是這兩年來，將朝野共識卡住的，就是陳水扁的國務機要費案。

　過去，就如陳水扁主張的，民進黨堅持，總統的國務機要費也是一種首長特別費，民進黨因此強調，扁的國務機要費案，也必須和其他的特別費案一起除罪化，朝野一直談不攏。現在，陳水扁的國務費案尚未三審定讞，民進黨卻已經撤守，他們已經認識到，民進黨的大好前程，不能再被陳水扁耽擱了。

　只是，心理上的棄守卻不等於深刻的反省。過去三年來，即使蔡英文帶領的民進黨，從未全面反省陳水扁執政時的貪腐弊案，卻仍然連選連勝，讓民進黨信心滿滿的相信，扁案的陰影已經是過去式，不會再對民進黨的選情有殺傷力。只是，扁案其實還是一頁活生生的現代史，扁案也許不再是民眾觀注的焦點，卻不可能船過水無痕。

　當前調查局長葉盛茂終於因他案入監服刑，提醒民眾的是，陳水扁任內濫用情治機關的調查權，清算異己、掩護扁家及民進黨要人的貪腐行為；當扁家親信黃芳彥「流亡」在美的逍遙照片曝光，大家不禁回想，當總統非法濫權，可以讓非正式的權力之手翻雲覆雨、毫無顧忌的伸入軍隊、金控集團、百貨集團等等，讓總統府成為喬事情中心。

　這些事情，民進黨從來都沒有反省，更別說向人民道歉。結果是，蔡英文與民進黨永遠別想擺脫陳水扁。媒體用「扁家軍打造大英王朝」來形容蔡英文的競選團隊，雖然輿論、民眾觀感不好，但蔡英文無法強力反駁，因為她從未與扁畫清界限，扁系仍是足以與民進黨各大派系平起平坐的關鍵勢力，他們在黨內總統初選時力挺蔡英文，已是助選功臣，大選時進入競選團隊，未來他們有任何要求，蔡英文能說不嗎？

　當然，陳水扁不是唯一讓蔡英文頭痛的問題。事實上，民進黨迫切期待重返執政，因此目前優先要處理的，當然是化解蔡英文、蘇貞昌初選黨內裂痕，可以說，蔡蘇談不攏，整個競選總部都跟著搞不定；因此，當執政的總統馬英九、閣揆吳敦義都已就戰鬥位置，藍營競選團隊也大致成軍，民進黨卻忽然火力重挫，就是因為內亂而無法一致對外。

　甚而，蔡蘇不合尚不是唯一的內部紛爭。長年以來，民進黨的結構性恩怨，還包括新潮流與非新潮流之爭，或是謝長廷、蘇貞昌的個人恩怨轉化而成的謝系與蘇系之爭，某種程度而言，蔡英文在黨內初選時精妙的將這些長年宿怨轉化為選舉助力，初選勝利後，顯然不能虧待「功臣」謝長廷。一方面，蔡英文必須拉攏蘇貞昌，另一方面又不能委屈謝長廷，即使蔡英文放下個人對蘇貞昌的好惡，但要在蘇謝兩強之間求取平衡，都不是容易之事。

　蔡英文若無法在派系之間求取平衡，恐怕連不分區立委名單都通不過六月二十五日舉行的中執會這一關，但是，比讓派系滿意更難的是，這次民進黨放棄黨內初選、全由黨中央決定名單，如果提出的不分區立委都只是派系妥協的產物，看不出專業性或功能性，蔡英文一樣會受傷。

　離明年總統大選已經只有半年多時間，排在議程上的重要問題，就已經事事繁雜、不好處理；但是，最後可能影響選情及民眾觀感的，卻是扁案的歷史問題，因為，當民進黨從不正視、反省扁案，這一段歷史就永遠無法成為過去！