The Issue is Policy Achievements, not Current Responsibilities

The Issue is Policy Achievements, not Current Responsibilities
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 25, 2011

It has now been confirmed. Premier Wu Den-yih will be Ma Ying-jeou's running mate in his 2012 re-election bid. Also, Wu will not resign from his current position. The Green Camp has blasted him for holding on to his current position while running for vice president. They say this could undermine his neutrality as premier. Some in the Blue Camp are concerned that Wu may draw fire for this.

Actually, many government leaders have run for elective office while holding on to their current positions. This really shouldn't be an issue. For example, In 1996, during the first direct presidential election, the ruling KMT nominated President Lee Teng-hui as its presidential candidate, and Premier Lien Chan as its vice presidential candidate. No one in the entire country objected. In 2000, during the second direct presidential election, Lee Teng-hui reached his term limits. The ruling Kuomintang nominated Vice President Lien Chan for president, and as his vice presidential running mate, Premier Vincent Siew. Again, no one in the entire country objected. The reason was simple. When challenged by an opposition party, the ruling party runs on its record. This is standard party politics. If one wishes to challenge the ruling party's performance record, who is one going to challenge, if not those currently in office?

The first ruling party change in 2000 was followed by the 2004 presidential election. The incumbents, Chen Shui-bian and Annette Lu, formed a ticket and ran for re-election. Both had job responsibilities. But no one asked them to resign. If every time an election comes around, elective officials must resign, how can a nation's government continue to operate? The DPP ruled for eight years. It changed premiers six times. The "party princes" took turns serving as premier. This may have mollified the party princes. But it led to major policy failure during the party's eight years in power.

By the time of the 2008 presidential election, Chen and Lu had both reached their term limits. The DPP nominated two former premiers, Frank Hsieh and Su Tseng-chang. To some extent this reflected the approach of the DPP party factions and party Elders. This enabled Chang Chun-hsiung, who had served as premier, to return to power. This allowed Hsieh and Su to dedicate themselves totally to the election campaign, and to avoid direct attacks by the KMT opposition in the legislature.

The affairs of the state should not be interrupted by elections. If a premier wishes to run for president, he may have to make appearances everywhere. But if he is merely the vice presidential candidate, the problem is not nearly so serious. After all, the vice presidency is merely a supporting role. The presidential candidate is the star of the show.

Of course, if the KMT or President Ma Ying-jeou feel that Wu Den-yih's candidacy makes him a target in the DPP's legislative campaign, it can ask him to resign. But that would be a political calculation. It would be irresponsible. As leaders of the ruling administration, Ma Ying-jeou's choice of Premier Wu as his running mate was motivated by his job performance. It was made to see whether the public approved of the Ma admininstration's job performance. This battle will be fought in the legislature.

From this perspective, the DPP has no reason to oppose or criticize Premier Wu's vice presidential bid. Instead, it should welcome it. Tsai Ing-wen and her running mate will be attending rallies all over Taiwan. Ma Ying-jeou's running mate, meanwhile, will be chained to the legislature, and attacked by DPP legislators from all sides. Any accomplishments cited by the KMT as part of it reelection bid, will be subject to harsh scrutiny in the Legislative Yuan. Wu Den-yih will have to stand on the front lines, and welcome the DPP's fire. If the Ma administration's job performance fails to win public approval, can Premier Wu and his cabinet resign en masse to take the blame? In other words, Wu Den-yih as vice presidential candidate, has become a member of Ma's election campaign. He is helping it formulate strategies and tactics. He is duty bound not to resign. He must become the Ma/Wu ticket's most eloquent champion.

Wu Den-yih is running while still in office. Could this lead to a violation of adminstrative neutrality? It could. But hopefully, it will not. For political appointees within the Executive Yuan, it is no problem whatsoever. Even if President Ma's running mate were not the premier, they would still be helping President Ma's reelection campaign. Suppose Wu Den-yih resigns, the premier is changed, and the cabinet is reshuffled? A newly appointed cabinet would need to get on track immediately, and trumpet the Ma administration's achievements. This has nothing to do administrative neutrality, and everything to do with party politics.

The DPP was in power for eight years. Consider the 2004 and 2008 presidential elections. Which one of these did not involve the full marshalling of the ruling party's administrative resources? The Referendum to Enter the UN alone aroused controversy. But the DPP failed to engage in the slightest soul-searching.

Of course, just because the DPP did something wrong, does not mean that the KMT should be permitted to do it as well. For example, the Ma administration must not mobilize civil servants to campaign on its behalf, to wave flags, and to shout slogans. Still less can it divert government resources to underwrite election propaganda. Former Xinbei City Bureau of Civil Affairs Chief Li Chien Lung invited over one hundred township mayors, county chiefs, city mayors, and borough chiefs to lunch with Ma and Wu. This activity was held after working hours. The invited guests were township mayors, county chiefs, and city mayors. Strictly speaking, they were not civil servants. But since these offices are now appointive offices. discretion should be the watchword. The DPP has demanded prosecution. Li Chien-Long immediately resigned his position.

As soon as Premier Wu was confirmed as Ma's running mate, he announced that he would maintain strict political neutrality. He would make no illegal use of administrative resources. His campaigning would not create delays or obstacles to the implementation of government policy. Premier Wu said the DPP should not fear that he cannot deliver. Democracy on Taiwan is diversified. Questionable conduct cannot escape public notice. Premier Wu will of course not betray his commitments. He will not give the DPP an opportunity to discredit him.

帶職參選不是重點 政績才是關鍵
2011-06-25 中國時報

行政院長吳敦義確定將與國民黨二○一二總統參選人馬英九搭檔競選連任，而且，不會辭職。對他帶職參選這件事綠營批評不少，認為有行政不中立之虞，藍營內部也有擔心他因此成為箭靶的聲音。

做為現任首長，帶職參選例子所在多有，其實不值得討論，隨便舉例，一九九六年首次總統民選，執政的國民黨推出的組合就是現任總統李登輝，搭配現任行政院長連戰，舉國並無異聲；二○○○年第二次總統直選，李登輝任期屆滿，執政的國民黨推出現任副總統連戰，搭配現任行政院長蕭萬長，同樣沒有任何爭議。原因很簡單，執政者以政績接受在野黨挑戰，本屬政黨政治之常態，既要挑戰政績，不衝著現任要衝著誰呢？

二○○○年政黨輪替之後，二○○四年總統大選，現任的陳水扁與呂秀蓮搭檔競選連任，都是帶職參選，沒人會要求他們辭職，如果一遇選舉，現任都辭職，國家政務還能繼續推動嗎？民進黨執政八年，換了六任行政院長，讓黨內天王輪流出任閣揆，擺平了天王，卻讓八年執政期間，重大政策七零八落。

至於二○○八年總統大選，陳呂任期屆滿，民進黨推出謝長廷、蘇貞昌兩位前任行政院長搭檔競選，某種程度是民進黨擺平黨內派系和大老勢力的方法，讓當過行政院長的張俊雄回鍋坐鎮，謝蘇則全心投入選戰，避開在野的國民黨在國會直接攻擊。

從政務不因選舉而中斷的角度，行政院長如果競選總統，可能出現分身乏術的狀況，但若只是扮演副總統候選人的角色，問題不大，畢竟副手只是配角，總統候選人才是主角。

當然，國民黨或馬英九總統若認為吳敦義帶職參選，直接面對民進黨的國會攻勢，可能招架不住，而要吳揆請辭避開炮火，也是一個方法，但這是選舉戰術考量，反而不負責任。做為現任執政者，馬英九選擇吳揆做為他連任的搭檔，就是要以此驗證馬政府的政績，民意是否認可馬執政團隊的表現，最直接的攻守戰場就是在立法院。

從這個角度分析，民進黨不但不必反對或批評吳揆帶職參選，反而應該大表歡迎。當蔡英文和她的副手全台趴趴走爭取民意支持的時刻，馬英九的副手卻被綁在立法院，面對民進黨立委的全面襲擊，凡是國民黨提出的政績表現，在立法院都得遭到嚴苛的檢視，吳敦義只能站在國會第一線，迎戰民進黨的炮火，如果馬政府政績不被民意認可，吳揆帶領的行政團隊能辭其咎嗎？換言之，吳敦義以副手身分直接進入馬競選團隊，協助籌畫戰略戰術；在外則義不容辭，非得成為馬吳配最直接的炮手兼辯士。

至於吳敦義帶職參選會不會造成行政不中立？這可能是個問題，卻也不是問題。對行政院各部會政務官而言，完全不是問題，就算馬總統的搭檔不是閣揆，他們都得為馬總統連任提供政策辯護，因為他們執行的正是馬政府的政策，即使吳敦義辭職，閣揆更迭，內閣改組，新上任的團隊都得在第一時間立刻接軌，宣揚馬政府的政績，這和行政是否中立無關，而與政黨政治的精神有關。

民進黨執政八年，就以○四與○八年兩次總統大選為例，哪一次不是行政資源全面投入？光是入聯公投一項就備受爭議，也沒見民進黨反省。

當然，民進黨做錯的事，不表示國民黨可以做，比方說，馬政府絕對不可以動員公務員輔選站台，搖旗吶喊，更不可以挪移政府預算做為選舉宣傳。最近新北市前民政局長李乾龍以全國鄉鎮市長聯誼會名義，邀請百餘位鄉鎮市長、區長聚餐，馬、吳先後出席，儘管此一活動係公餘時間辦理，受邀鄉鎮市區長也不是狹義的公務員，但既改為官派，就得慎重，民進黨提出告發後，李乾龍立刻請辭即為一例。

吳揆在確定與馬總統搭檔後，明確宣示絕對嚴守行政中立，不會違法動用行政資源，也不會因參選而延誤、妨礙政府施政。民進黨不必擔心吳揆說到做不到，以台灣民主發展的多元化，任何可能引起爭議的做為，都難逃民眾的耳目，吳揆當不至於毀其承諾，搬石頭讓民進黨有機會砸。