KMT and PFP Supporters Oppose Confrontation

KMT and PFP Supporters Oppose Confrontation
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 10, 2011

The candidates for the presidential and the legislative elections have gradually emerged. A split within the Blue Camp appears inevitable. People First Party Chairman James Soong publicly announced that the PFP would be seeking at least 10 seats in the legislature. Would he himself lead the party by taking a run at the legislature? Or would he hold a petition drive then decide whether to run for president? Both possibilities are under consideration. From the KMT's perspective, the Blue Camp has returned to its divided state in 2000. That division led to a nightmare. The Blue Camp lost of power, and the nation experienced a change in ruling parties. The pressure on the Blue Camp was enormous.

During the 2000 change in ruling parties, the Democratic Progressive Party failed to win an absolute majority. In other words, had the Blue Camp not split, the DPP would never have come to power so soon. But as we revisit history, the Blue Camp must face one fact. The Kuomintang may have developed and diversified. But unless it can implement effective internal mechanisms and procedures, it will repeatedly experience internal division and discord.

The problem began when Lee Teng-hui became president. A split arose between traditional KMT members and proponents of "localization." The New KMT Connection and the Thoughts-Gathering Alliance fought tooth and nail, Several years later they developed into the New Party and the Taiwan Solidarity Union. Looking back, "localization" within the KMT is no longer an issue. It has already taken root. Its roots are already deep within the soil. But localization is not Taiwan independence. To some extent localization helped Lee Teng-hui remain in power for 12 years.

As for the bad blood between Lee Teng-hui and James Soong, it was merely a naked power struggle. Soong perceived the "freezing" of the Taiwan Provincial Government as an attempt to deprive him of power. It also suggested that the ROC might eliminate the Taiwan Provincial Government altogether, and move toward Taiwan independence, But the freezing of the Taiwan Provincial Government over a decade ago proved one thing. Although the Taiwan Provincial Government's administrative efficiency had already been called into question, the Republic of China did not move toward Taiwan independence. Its administration was upgraded and improved.according to the law. Even if James Soong had been elected president in 2000, he would not have restored the Taiwan Provincial Government.

After the first change in ruling parties in 2000, the People First Party enjoyed considerable public approval. But following two attempts by the PFP to collaborate with the Chen regime, Blue Camp supporters began to wonder about the People First Party's political priorities. Even more troubling, word emerged that the PFP and the DPP were making quid pro quo power deals. When James Soong proclaimed that the People First Party would go its own way, his troops had already participated in the KMT's party primaries, and were running as KMT candidates. Lo Shu-lei is running for the legislature under the KMT banner. Lo said that James Soong is not making trouble for no reason. She said President Ma should publicly promise that if he wins a second term, he will appoint James Soong premier. This surely grated on the ears of Blue Camp supporters, It surely grated on James Soong's ears as well.

From the People First Party's perspective, "dissent should not be equated with disunity." If the Kuomintang refuses to extend its hand in friendship, how can there be any unity? But the KMT may still feel aggrieved. Just what is that James Soong wants? Suppose that in 2008, the nation experiences yet another change in ruling parties? Suppose the KMT invites James Soong back to the KMT as a vice chairman, but gets turned down? Suppose People First Party candidates who promised to return to the KMT, renege on their promises, but instead run for office, either as legislators without portfolio, or as district representatives? Most People First Party officials have already been granted positions within the Ma administration. They have gradually risen within the hierarchy. Must James Soong be appointed premier before the Ma administration's governance can be affirmed? James Soong has blasted the Ma administration full force. Premier Wu Den-yih has been on good terms with James Soong. How must he feel hearing Soong say these things?

Regrets however, cannot solve problems. Lee Teng-hui and Lien Chan have withdrawn from the political arena. But the old Chung Hsing case remains unresolved, despite Ma Ying-jeou's return as KMT Chairman. It remains an ulit fuse that could touch off conflict. Lawyers for Ma and Soong clash constantly. How can they meet each other earnestly? How can they engage in an exchange of views?

Ma and Song may not be able to unite. But that does not mean that the KMT and the PFP must split. At one time Lee and Soong split, Lien and Soong fell out, Today Soong may be a guest of honor at Lee Teng-hui's birthday. Lien and Soong are even closer. On the Mainland and on Taiwan, James Soong never ceases praising Lien Chan for making cross-Strait peace possible. Having suffered the consequences of disunity, Lien and Soong have become brothers in arms. Politically, they are not really enemies. The KMT and the PFP were never enemies.

How much support does the People First Party still enjoy? That remains to be seen. But from the KMT's perspective, the People First Party must not become box office poison. Honorary Chairman Lien Chan should act as a buffer. He should wine and dine James Soong, Legislative Yuan President Wang Jin-pyng, former Examination Yuan President Hsu Shui-teh, Vice Premier Wu Yung-ming, and Secretary-General Liao Liao-yi. He should help ensure KMT and PFP unity.

Does KMT/PFP cooperation require that the People First Party disappear? That is something the KMT must consider. After all, the People First Party is no longer the party it was in 2000. After Lien and Soong united, the People First Party spontaneously dissolved within four or five years. It is definitely not as strong as it was back then. James Soong wants the People First Party to once again raise its banners. But he wants to nominate only ten candidates to the legislature. If the KMT and the PFP apportion their seats appropriately, they may be able to maximize their advantage. They may be able to complement each other. The biggest fear is that the two sides may begin trading potshots and insults, Blue Camp supporters would be dismayed. Their enthusiasm would be dampened -- to the point where they could not be bothered to vote. That would truly be a case of hurting the ones you love. That would truly be a case of penny wise and pound foolish.

國親如果交鋒 支持者不樂見
2011-06-10 中國時報

隨著總統與立委大選布局漸次明朗，藍營分途似乎已然不可避免。親民黨主席宋楚瑜公開宣布至少要提名十席立委參選，至於他本人要領軍搶進國會，或者自行連署參選總統仍在考慮中，對國民黨而言，彷彿又要重回二千年藍營分裂，造成政黨輪替失去政權的噩夢，其壓力不可謂不重。

二千年政黨輪替，民進黨勝選卻未過半，質言之，只要藍軍不分裂，民進黨就不可能這麼早嘗到執政的滋味，然而，即使重回歷史現場，藍營不能不面對一個事實：以國民黨的多元化和發展歷程，若不能透過有效的黨內機制和程序，分裂或齟齬將會是國民黨反覆遭遇的難題。

這個難題，從前總統李登輝繼任總統就開始了。當年的分裂起因於傳統國民黨對本土化路線的質疑，新連線與集思會鬥爭不斷，幾年發展先後有了新黨和台聯；回首從前，本土化在國民黨內已經不再是爭議，因為本土化是在地生根、在地深耕，而非台獨。這個路線某種程度確保了李登輝爾後繼續執政十二年。

至於李登輝與宋楚瑜的交惡，則是活脫脫的權力鬥爭，凍省之舉在宋楚瑜看來既是削權，也是中華民國廢省走台獨的象徵，但凍省十數年印證一件事：雖然行政效能的問題始終遭到詬病，但中華民國沒因此走向台獨。行政效能從用人和法制上的調整，是可以改善提昇的，就算宋楚瑜二千年能選上總統，想必他也不會再幹一次修憲恢復省政府的事。

親民黨在二千年政黨輪替後，挾高民意造成相當程度的氣候，然而，二度企圖與扁政府合作，卻讓藍營內部對親民黨到底要走什麼路線備感質疑，更麻煩的是，中間總是傳出親民黨欲與民進黨交換權力的政治耳語；此次當宋楚瑜表明親民黨要走自己的路時，其子弟兵、已經通過國民黨初選、確定會披國民黨戰旗競選區域立委的羅淑蕾又說，宋楚瑜不是無理取鬧的人，國民黨應該公開宣示馬總統連任後要請宋出任行政院長，聽在藍營支持者耳裡想必刺耳，聽在宋楚瑜耳裡，又何嘗不刺耳。

對親民黨而言，「不能因為不聽話就叫做不團結。」國民黨不釋出善意如何團結？但對國民黨而言，或許心中有一個永遠打不開的結：宋楚瑜到底要什麼？二○○八年政黨再輪替，國民黨想請宋回任國民黨副主席遭婉拒，但親民黨該吸納者無不進入不分區或改參選區域，很大部分親民黨黨職人士亦在馬政府安排下，陸續出任周邊事業單位高職，是不是非要宋楚瑜出任閣揆，政府效能才受其肯定呢？當宋楚瑜用盡力氣批評馬政府能力時，與宋交情不差的行政院長吳敦義心中想必感慨萬千。

然而，感慨解決不了問題，即使李登輝和連戰相繼放手，但興票案這個陳年老案，在馬總統回任國民黨主席後，仍未妥善快速解決，讓衝突的引線始終未摘掉，當馬、宋老是透過律師交手，又如何能坦誠相見、交換意見？

馬、宋不合，不代表國親非分裂不可，當年李、宋分裂，連、宋翻臉，如今宋楚瑜可成為李登輝過壽的座上賓，連宋更是情投意合，宋楚瑜不論在大陸在台灣，對連戰開啟兩岸和平契機從不吝於讚美，經過分裂之痛，連宋倒成為真心相交的兄弟。政治上，沒有真正的敵人，更何況國、親本來就不是敵人。

親民黨到底在民意市場上還有多少票房，還是得經過民意的檢驗，但對國民黨而言，親民黨的票房不能成為自己的毒藥才是最重要的。這一回，還是請出榮譽主席連戰居間緩衝，連戰夜宴宋楚瑜，立法院長王金平、前考試院長許水德和副院長吳容明、與黨秘書長廖了以等都到場，塑造國親仍和的味道不言可喻。

國親合，是否一定要親民黨消失？這也是國民黨必須思考的問題，因為親民黨終究不再是二千年時的親民黨，連宋合之後，親民黨在這四、五年中自動繳械，戰鬥力確實不若當年，這次宋楚瑜要讓親民黨重張旗幟，也不過提出十席區域立委，若國親布局得當，未必不能截長補短，相輔相成，就怕兩方始終隔空交火，出言傷人，傷了藍營支持者的心，看到兩方就心寒，鬧到支持者懶得投票，那就真是親痛仇快，為小利而損大義了。