Garrison Troops: Demonstrate Sovereignty Over the South China Sea

Garrison Troops: Demonstrate Sovereignty Over the South China Sea
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 21, 2011

More disputes have arisen over the South China Sea. The Republic of China is a nation that borders the South China Sea. It also occupies its largest island -- Taiping Island. From any perspective -- symbolism, sovereignty, or actual control -- the ROC undeniably has rights in the region. The ROC must not be silent on the matter of the South China Sea. But it must be judicious about how it expresses that sovereignty.

Nations claiming sovereignty in the South China Sea have recently begun increasing their military presence. They have engaged in military exercises, to prevent sudden military crises. For the first time, Beijing has entered South China Sea waters, and visited islands in the South China Sea. For three days and nights, it conducted maritime military exercises in regional waters. The Philippines, which is militarily weak, also dispatched old World War II warships to patrol the South China Sea. Vietnam has been among the most active nations in the region. It has held live-fire exercises. It has also implemented conscription. It has allegedly stationed troops on a Taiping Island sandbar. It is conducting reconnaissance, using high-tech electronic devices.

The Republic of China has also responded to the recent situation. Our Coast Guard regularly cruises the Tungsha and Nansha Islands ("Spratly Islands"). It sends a supply ship to the Tungsha Islands once a month. Taiping Island is more distant. Supply ships visit with the cooperation of the military each March, June, and September. The "Blue Sea 92" project was carried out in late June of this year. Chen Kung class, Chung Ho class, and 2000 ton "Satellite" Coast Guard cutters set out and performed their regular duties.

According to media reports, the Department of Defense will also be providing Seagull class missile boats, M41A3 Walker Bulldog tanks, and other weapons to forces stationed on Taiping Island. The Department of Defense denies these reports, calling them pure fiction. The Department of Defense said that the personnel stationed on Tungsha and Nansha Island are Coast Guard personnel. The Department of Defense says it has not dispatched troops to the islands.

Our government's initial response has been appropriately cautious. It has denied any military buildup, out of fear that other countries would take countermeasures. The ROC government would then be blamed for triggering an arms race. Actually, we have been sending supply ships to the islands every three months, for years. To suddenly halt such shipments for fear of criticism, would be an overreaction. It would unwisely sacrifice our rights, for no purpose. The long term challenge for the ROC is how to underscore our sovereignty and to ensure that we are heard on the issue of the South China Sea.

The Republic of China's official position on South China Sea sovereignty is based on its historical territory during the 1940s. The Southeast Asian countries are most concerned about the U-shaped map. That map represents Beijing's position on South China Sea sovereignty. When the DPP was in power, it attempted to draw a line between itself and Beijing on the issue, by making changes. In February 2008, Chen Shui-bian twice set foot on Taiping Island to trumpet his "Nansha Initiative." He called on countries neighboring the South China Sea to abide by the UN Charter and the United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty, and to ensure the peaceful settlement of South China Sea disputes. He said the ROC was willing to accept the Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, on the basis of sovereign equality. He said the ROC was willing to participate in the "South China Sea Code of Conduct" then under development. But cross-Strait tensions were running high at the time, and no country was willing to respond to Chen Shui-bian's proposal, for fear of offending Beijing.

When the KMT returned to power, our government's position on the South China Sea issue changed. The government reaffirmed that the islands belong to the Republic of China. The Ma administration repeatedly protested violations of ROC sovereignty in the South China Sea. It called upon countries to abide by the UN Charter and the principles and spirit of the United Nations Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea. It urged the shelving of disputes, consultations and dialogue, and peaceful settlement of South China Sea disputes, avoiding unilateral moves that might undermine peace in the region.

Taipei has asserted its sovereignty over the Tungsha and Nansha Islands, in the name of the Republic of China. Beijing has asserted its sovereignty over the Hsisha Islands ("Paracel Islands") in the name of the Peoples Republic of China. Oddly enough, neither side has protested the other's position. This has caused other countries to doubt Taipei's position. Privately they have criticized Taipei, saying it has allowed itself to be influenced by Beijing. But realistically speaking, we would find it difficult to retreat from our long held position. We would be criticized on Taiwan for forsaking our established borders, as clearly delineated in the Republic of China Constitution. We would also find it impossible to explain our position to Beijing. Are we edging toward Taiwan independence? We would be caught on the horns of a dilemma.

That said, the Republic of China controls Taiping Island. That in itself amounts to a clear assertion of our sovereignty. Taiping Island is the region's sole source of freshwater. It is one of the few points in the South China Sea with runways for aircraft. It is small compared to other countries' islets and and reefs. But it has far greater strategic value. In future negotiations on the South China Sea, Taipei cannot be ignored.

How precisely will Taipei seek a seat at the negotiating table? For the ruling administration, this may be a dangerous trap. Handled improperly, it could leave the public deeply disaffected.

Taipei is not a member of the United Nations. We have no way to submit our government's data on our exclusive economic zone to the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf. Protests from Beijing also make it impossible to negotiate with neighboring countries over maritime demarcations. They make it impossible for Taipei to sit at the same table with other Southeast Asian countries during negotiations on the South China Sea.

Any long term solution to this problem must begin with cross-Strait relations. Beijing must feel confident that Taipei is not attempting to create either "two Chinas" or "one China, one Taiwan." In the short term, there will probably be no complications.

First, regarding our declaration of sovereignty, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs makes less and less mention of our historical territory. Instead, it has repeated its basic position on the South China Sea four times. "The ROC possesses sovereignty, but it sets aside disputes, reciprocates peacefully, and is willing to develop resources jointly." Our government must further allay the concerns of other countries. It must understand Southeast Asia's perspective. For example, it has reaffirmed its commitment to the South China Sea Code of Conduct.

Secondly, we should underscore our sovereignty as much possibly can. We can follow the example set by other nations. We can announce that we are granting approval for oil and gas mining. We can draw up plans for combating terrorism and piracy. We can conduct maritime search and rescue, humanitarian relief efforts, and joint naval exercises. We can dispatch our new underwater "Sea Research V" vessel to the South China Sea to conduct marine-related scientific investigation. We can draft plans for South China Sea bases. We can declare out territorial sea baseline. We can even restore the garrisons we once had. We can station Marines on Taiping Island, thereby expressing our determination to defend our sovereignty.

Thirdly, we must actively foster public interest in the South China Sea. We must ensure that the public supports the government's position on the South China Sea. Beijing and Hanoi are actively drawing up plans for travel and study to the region. Tourism involve risks. State sponsorship seems appropriate. For example, young people may wish to visit the South China Sea for summer eco-leisure activities. Enabling them to do so would encourage the younger generation to understand and attach importance to the South China Sea.

彰顯南海主權 何妨恢復駐軍
2011-06-21 中國時報

南海問題又起爭端，我國是南中國海鄰國之一，又實際佔據著最大的太平島，無論從主權象徵，或是從實際控制來說，都有不容否認的權利。我們認為，台灣不應該對南海問題沉默，但是怎樣表達，卻是敏感、需要斟酌注意的。

南海主權主張國，近日紛紛開始增加兵力，從事演習，以預防突發的軍事危機。中國大陸剛首次在海南島與南海地區水域，進行三天三夜的「環海南島」的海上實兵演練；實力薄弱的菲律賓，也派了二次大戰的老軍艦，前往南海巡邏戒備；其中以越南最為積極，除了宣布實彈演習、實施徵兵，據說還在我南沙太平島駐守部隊旁的敦謙沙洲，以高性能電子設備實施偵蒐。

針對近日情勢，我國也有相關因應。海巡署定期巡弋東沙、南沙群島，其中東沙每一個月運補一次，南沙太平島則因距離較遠，與國軍配合，每年三、六、九月執行運補作業；今年六月底的「碧海92號」專案，將編組成功級、中和級軍艦以及二千噸級偉星號海巡艦艇共同前往，執行海域巡弋任務。

有媒體報導國防部同時也將提供海鷗級飛彈快艇、Ｍ41Ａ３型戰車等武器，給太平島駐守部隊使用。國防部特別澄清，報導純屬虛構，並非事實；國防部也指出，目前駐守東、南沙為海巡士兵，國防部並未派駐軍隊。

我們認為，目前我方的初步反應是適當謹慎的，否認增強軍力，是因為擔心其他各國會有相應的對策，台灣會被指責是始作俑者，引發軍備競賽。但三個月一次的運補行之有年，如果此刻擔心各國批評就不去，是因噎廢食，徒然放棄我方的權益，反而不智。但長遠來看，如何彰顯主權，以及在南海爭議中，爭取台灣的話語權，才是棘手的。

我國正式主權立場，仍是採取四○年代的歷史疆域，即東南亞國家最在意的Ｕ型圖，這也是北京方面的主權立場。民進黨執政期間，為了有所區隔，曾經作了調整。二○○八年二月，陳水扁二度登上太平島，發表《南沙倡議》，呼籲南海周邊國家依據《聯合國憲章》與《聯合國海洋公約》和平解決南海爭端；台灣願意在主權平等的基礎上，接受《南海各方行為宣言》的內容，並希望參與正在研擬中的《南海行為準則》。但是當時兩岸關係緊張，沒有國家願意呼應陳水扁的主張，得罪北京。

國民黨執政後，對南海問題的立場有所調整，不斷重申這些島嶼主權屬於「中華民國」。馬政府除了對相關國家侵犯南海主權，多次表達抗議，並呼籲有關國家應依據《聯合國憲章》、《聯合國海洋公約》及《南海各方行為宣言》的原則與精神，擱置爭議，通過協商與對話，和平解決南海爭端，避免採取任何影響南海地區安全和平的單邊措施。

然而尷尬的是，不管是台灣方面對東沙、中沙兩群島和南沙的太平島以「中華民國」行使主權，還是中國大陸對西沙群島行使主權，雙方都沒有就對方的行為表示抗議，這也讓其他國家對台灣的立場有疑慮，私下批評被中國所影響。但現實上來說，我方很難從此立場退卻或改變，因為對內，會被批評放棄中華民國憲法中所說的「固有疆界」；對外，難以向中國交代，是否將走向台獨，陷於兩面受敵的窘境。

雖然如此，但我所占有的太平島卻是最真切的主權行使象徵。這是唯一有淡水來源，少數有飛機跑道的南海據點，比起其他國家的小島礁，戰略價值高了許多。任何未來南海問題的談判，不應該忽視台灣。

但是未來台灣如何才能上談判桌？對當政者來說，這是個危險的陷阱，處理不當，勢必會讓國人失望。

台灣受限於不是聯合國會員，無法向聯合國大陸礁層界限委員會提交我專屬經濟海域的數據；也因為中國的抗議，無法與鄰近國家進行海域劃界談判；更不用說讓台灣與其他東南亞各國在同一談判桌上，討論南海問題。

未來這問題要解套，長期來看，還是必須從兩岸關係著手，讓中國大陸不懷疑台灣方面刻意要造成兩個中國或一中一台的印象；但是短期來看，此刻應有不會節外生枝的和緩對策。

其一，關於主權宣示方面，我外交部對歷史疆域已經越來越少提，反而先後四次表明「主權在我、擱置爭議、和平互惠、共同開發」的南海基本原則，但要進一步去除其他國家的疑慮，就必須切入東南亞所理解的規範，譬如重申遵守《南海行為準則宣言》。

其二，在我方可以控制範圍內，盡量從事彰顯主權的行為。譬如參照其他各國成例，公布核准油氣開採礦區的規定，規畫相關海域進行有關反恐、打擊海盜、海上搜救與人道救援之聯合海上演練，以及派遣新下水的「海研五號」前往南海特定海域進行海洋科學調查，並規畫南海領海基點、基線的公布。甚至恢復駐軍，以最精銳的陸戰隊防衛太平島，以宣示決心。

其三，要積極培養民眾對南海的興趣，以形成政府南海政策的民意基礎。目前中國及越南都積極規畫旅遊與考察，有鑒於旅遊有若干風險，還是宜由國家來主辦，譬如年輕人赴南海進行暑期生態休閒活動，以喚起年輕世代對南海的瞭解與重視。