Jettisoning Taiwan Independence Harder than Overthrowing a Regime
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China)
January 6, 2014
Summary: The DPP is immobilized by the shackles of Taiwan independence. it can
neither advance nor retreat. In 2000, Taiwan independence granted Chen
Shui-bian a grace period. The Taiwan independence forces that Su
Tseng-chang currently faces are not so reasonable. The DPP must not
pretend to jettison Taiwan independence as an electioneering ploy. It
must jettison Taiwan independence in fact, to ensure Taiwan's survival.
Does the DPP really intend to ride Taiwan independence to power in 2016,
only to ride Taiwan independence from power in 2020? Taiwan is unlikely
to survive the ordeal.
Full text below:
The DPP is expected to announce its "[Mainland] China Policy" on the 9th. The most closely watched issue is how it will distance itself from Taiwan independence.
Su Tseng-chang said, "There is no need to turn the clock back and to engage in Taiwan independence." Frank Hsieh has proposed "Different Constitutional Interpretations" [of "one China"]. Ker Chien-ming has proposed "Freezing the Taiwan Independence Party Platform." Key players within the DPP realize Taiwan independence is a game they can no longer afford to play. Everyone is awaiting the DPP's upcoming "China Policy" announcement. Everyone wants to see how the DPP will deal with the Taiwan independence albatross around its neck.
Over 40 years ago, Taiwan independence overtly and covertly infiltrated the pro-democracy movement. Back then, we predicted that Taiwan independence could neither dominate nor endure. In 1991, following the lifting of martial law, the DPP announced its " Taiwan Independence Party Platform." The DPP became the standard bearer for the Taiwan independence movement. At the height of its arrogance, it cowed the KMT into hiding the ROC national flag during its election rallies, for fear it would result in lost votes. In 1999 however, for the sake of Chen Shui-bian's presidential bid, the DPP issued its "Resolution on Taiwan's Future." It strategically jettisoned its Taiwan independence stance. A split between Lien and Soong supporters enabled Chen to win office. But as soon as Chen took office, MAC Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen pressured President Chen Shui-bian into repudiating the 1992 consensus. The ruling DPP then forced the entire country to participate in its Taiwan independence antics, including the "rectification of names" and the "Referendum on UN membership." Tsai Ing-wen lost her presidential bid in 2012 because she repudidated the 1992 consensus. The DPP longs to return to power. As a result it has begun reforming its cross-strait policy. Su Tseng-chang declared that "There is no need to turn the clock back and to engage in Taiwan independence." Frank Hsieh proposed "Different Constitutional Interpretations" [of "one China"]. Ker Chien-ming proposed "Freezing the Taiwan Independence Party Charter." These have all led to controversy.
Indications are however, that the DPP will not be able to free itself from the bonds of Taiwan independence. Su Tseng-chang said "Freezing the Taiwan independence party platform is not under consideration." He has already given us the answer. As everyone can see, the DPP faces a dilemma. If it wants to return to power it must shrug off the shackles of Taiwan Independence. But given the pro and con forces within the party, it cannot.
There is an old saying. "It is easy to eliminate the brigands hiding in the mountains. It is difficult to eliminate the evil hiding within one's heart." The DPP overthrew the Kuomintang regime in 2000. Ever since it passed its 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future," it has been struggling to jettison Taiwan independence. Alas, Taiwan independence continues to bind it hand and foot, making it impossible to stand. As the title of this article notes, jettisoning Taiwan independence is harder than overthrowing a regime.
Chen Shui-bian won the presidential election in 2000, in part because of the "Resolution on Taiwan's Future" apparently jettisoned the party's Taiwan independence stance. But once it assumed power, Taiwan independence returned to haunt the party. Either that, or the DPP used Taiwan independence to manipulate the strategic picture. A look back proves that the DPP was merely pretending to jettison Taiwan independence in order to win the presidential election. It had no intention of jettisoning Taiwan independence. Today, the DPP longs to return to power. Once again it has floated all sorts of proposals to jettison Taiwan independence. These include Su Tseng-chang's "There is no need to turn the clock back and to engage in Taiwan independence." They include Frank Hsieh's "Different Constitutional Interpretations" [of "one China"]. They include Ker Chien-ming's "Freezing the Taiwan Independence Party Charter." But these are merely electioneering tricks. Their real purpose is to enable the DPP to return to power. The DPP will never change its Taiwan independence spots.
DPP factions are currently engaged in internal strife. The impression they are giving the outside world is that the DPP simply cannot jettison its Taiwan independence stance. Recall the problems encountered by Chen Shui-bian before and after he was elected in 2000. They led to the "Resolution on Taiwan's Future." Under party chairman Lin Yi-hsiung, the process was characterized as smooth. But today's DPP has already "tasted bitterness." The Chen Shui-bian administration remained bound by the shackles of Taiwan independence for eight long years. Tsai Ing-wen lost in 2012 because she repudiated the 1992 consensus. The party includes people who say "There is no need to turn the clock back and to engage in Taiwan independence." It includes people who propose "Freezing the Taiwan Independence Party Charter." But their position has not become a consensus within the party. As the title of this article implied, "It is easy to eliminate the brigands hiding in the mountains. It is difficult to eliminate the evil hiding within one's heart." It was easy to overthrow a pro-Taiwan independence DPP regime. But it is not so easy to persuade the DPP to jettison Taiwan independence.
Taiwan independence affects the international strategic picture. It affects the Republic of China's strategic survival. Yet the DPP has reduced it an electioneering ploy to enable its return to power. Suppose the DPP jettisons its Taiwan independence stance and is reelected? Will that fool Washington? Will that fool Beijing? In particular will that fool awakend voters? This was the bitter experience endured by the nation between 2000, when the DPP rose to power, and 2008, when the DPP fell from grace. Does the nation really wish to repeat this tragedy in 2016?
The DPP is immobilized by the shackles of Taiwan independence. it can neither advance nor retreat. In 2000, Taiwan independence granted Chen Shui-bian a grace period. The Taiwan independence forces that Su Tseng-chang currently faces are not so reasonable. The DPP must not pretend to jettison Taiwan independence as an electioneering ploy. It must in fact jettison Taiwan independence to ensure Taiwan's survival. Does the DPP really intend to ride Taiwan independence to power in 2016, only to ride Taiwan independence from power in 2020? Taiwan is unlikely to survive the ordeal.
The DPP is about to announce its "China policy." It must not allow the public to see its inadequacies and its dilemma.
2014.01.06 02:32 am