Jettisoning Taiwan Independence Harder than Overthrowing a Regime

Jettisoning Taiwan Independence Harder than Overthrowing a Regime
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China)
A Translation
January 6, 2014

Summary: The DPP is immobilized by the shackles of Taiwan independence. it can neither advance nor retreat. In 2000, Taiwan independence granted Chen Shui-bian a grace period. The Taiwan independence forces that Su Tseng-chang currently faces are not so reasonable. The DPP must not pretend to jettison Taiwan independence as an electioneering ploy. It must jettison Taiwan independence in fact, to ensure Taiwan's survival. Does the DPP really intend to ride Taiwan independence to power in 2016, only to ride Taiwan independence from power in 2020? Taiwan is unlikely to survive the ordeal.

Full text below:

The DPP is expected to announce its "[Mainland] China Policy" on the 9th. The most closely watched issue is how it will distance itself from Taiwan independence.

Su Tseng-chang said, "There is no need to turn the clock back and to engage in Taiwan independence." Frank Hsieh has proposed "Different Constitutional Interpretations" [of "one China"]. Ker Chien-ming has proposed "Freezing the Taiwan Independence Party Platform." Key players within the DPP realize Taiwan independence is a game they can no longer afford to play. Everyone is awaiting the DPP's upcoming "China Policy" announcement. Everyone wants to see how the DPP will deal with the Taiwan independence albatross around its neck.

Over 40 years ago, Taiwan independence overtly and covertly infiltrated the pro-democracy movement. Back then, we predicted that Taiwan independence could neither dominate nor endure. In 1991, following the lifting of martial law, the DPP announced its " Taiwan Independence Party Platform." The DPP became the standard bearer for the Taiwan independence movement. At the height of its arrogance, it cowed the KMT into hiding the ROC national flag during its election rallies, for fear it would result in lost votes. In 1999 however, for the sake of Chen Shui-bian's presidential bid, the DPP issued its "Resolution on Taiwan's Future." It strategically jettisoned its Taiwan independence stance. A split between Lien and Soong supporters enabled Chen to win office. But as soon as Chen took office, MAC Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen pressured President Chen Shui-bian into repudiating the 1992 consensus. The ruling DPP then forced the entire country to participate in its Taiwan independence antics, including the "rectification of names" and the "Referendum on UN membership." Tsai Ing-wen lost her presidential bid in 2012 because she repudidated the 1992 consensus. The DPP longs to return to power. As a result it has begun reforming its cross-strait policy. Su Tseng-chang declared that "There is no need to turn the clock back and to engage in Taiwan independence." Frank Hsieh proposed "Different Constitutional Interpretations" [of "one China"]. Ker Chien-ming proposed "Freezing the Taiwan Independence Party Charter." These have all led to controversy.

Indications are however, that the DPP will not be able to free itself from the bonds of Taiwan independence. Su Tseng-chang said "Freezing the Taiwan independence party platform is not under consideration." He has already given us the answer. As everyone can see, the DPP faces a dilemma. If it wants to return to power it must shrug off the shackles of Taiwan Independence. But given the pro and con forces within the party, it cannot.

There is an old saying. "It is easy to eliminate the brigands hiding in the mountains. It is difficult to eliminate the evil hiding within one's heart." The DPP overthrew the Kuomintang regime in 2000. Ever since it passed its 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future," it has been struggling to jettison Taiwan independence. Alas, Taiwan independence continues to bind it hand and foot, making it impossible to stand. As the title of this article notes, jettisoning Taiwan independence is harder than overthrowing a regime.

Chen Shui-bian won the presidential election in 2000, in part because of the "Resolution on Taiwan's Future" apparently jettisoned the party's Taiwan independence stance. But once it assumed power, Taiwan independence returned to haunt the party. Either that, or the DPP used Taiwan independence to manipulate the strategic picture. A look back proves that the DPP was merely pretending to jettison Taiwan independence in order to win the presidential election. It had no intention of jettisoning Taiwan independence. Today, the DPP longs to return to power. Once again it has floated all sorts of proposals to jettison Taiwan independence. These include Su Tseng-chang's "There is no need to turn the clock back and to engage in Taiwan independence." They include Frank Hsieh's "Different Constitutional Interpretations" [of "one China"]. They include Ker Chien-ming's "Freezing the Taiwan Independence Party Charter." But these are merely electioneering tricks. Their real purpose is to enable the DPP to return to power. The DPP will never change its Taiwan independence spots.

DPP factions are currently engaged in internal strife. The impression they are giving the outside world is that the DPP simply cannot jettison its Taiwan independence stance. Recall the problems encountered by Chen Shui-bian before and after he was elected in 2000. They led to the "Resolution on Taiwan's Future." Under party chairman Lin Yi-hsiung, the process was characterized as smooth. But today's DPP has already "tasted bitterness." The Chen Shui-bian administration remained bound by the shackles of Taiwan independence for eight long years. Tsai Ing-wen lost in 2012 because she repudiated the 1992 consensus. The party includes people who say "There is no need to turn the clock back and to engage in Taiwan independence." It includes people who propose "Freezing the Taiwan Independence Party Charter." But their position has not become a consensus within the party. As the title of this article implied, "It is easy to eliminate the brigands hiding in the mountains. It is difficult to eliminate the evil hiding within one's heart." It was easy to overthrow a pro-Taiwan independence DPP regime. But it is not so easy to persuade the DPP to jettison Taiwan independence.

Taiwan independence affects the international strategic picture. It affects the Republic of China's strategic survival. Yet the DPP has reduced it an electioneering ploy to enable its return to power. Suppose the DPP jettisons its Taiwan independence stance and is reelected? Will that fool Washington? Will that fool Beijing? In particular will that fool awakend voters? This was the bitter experience endured by the nation between 2000, when the DPP rose to power, and 2008, when the DPP fell from grace. Does the nation really wish to repeat this tragedy in 2016?

The DPP is immobilized by the shackles of Taiwan independence. it can neither advance nor retreat. In 2000, Taiwan independence granted Chen Shui-bian a grace period. The Taiwan independence forces that Su Tseng-chang currently faces are not so reasonable. The DPP must not pretend to jettison Taiwan independence as an electioneering ploy. It must in fact jettison Taiwan independence to ensure Taiwan's survival. Does the DPP really intend to ride Taiwan independence to power in 2016, only to ride Taiwan independence from power in 2020? Taiwan is unlikely to survive the ordeal.

The DPP is about to announce its "China policy." It must not allow the public to see its inadequacies and its dilemma.

甩掉台獨 比推翻一個政權還難
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.01.06 02:32 am

民進黨可能在九日公布其「對中政策」，最受矚目的表徵自是在如何與台獨切割。

蘇貞昌說「不必再回頭搞台獨」，謝長廷倡議「憲法各表」，柯建銘主張「凍結台獨黨綱」；在在顯示，民進黨內的一些要角已有「台獨再也玩不下去」的覺悟。這次「對中政策」發布，大家都在等著看民進黨如何處理這隻台獨包袱。

其實，在四十餘年前，台獨勢力或明或暗地進入台灣民主運動之際，我們即預言其不是可大可久；然而，解嚴後，民進黨在一九九一年正式發布《台獨黨綱》，自此民進黨就成了旗幟鮮明的台獨黨，其氣焰最盛時，甚至逼得國旗在國民黨的選舉集會中銷形匿跡，唯恐讓人看了刺眼，流失選票。但至一九九九年，為部署陳水扁參選總統，民進黨發布《台灣前途決議文》，策略性地擺出「甩掉台獨」的姿態，遂在連、宋分裂的局面下，贏得了執政地位；然而，扁政府上台後，陸委會主委蔡英文逼使陳水扁總統否定了九二共識，隨後民進黨政府又將整個國家捲入「正名制憲」、「入聯公投」等台獨風暴之中。如今，又因二○一二年蔡英文敗於「否定九二共識」，民進黨為了「重返執政」，遂再掀起兩岸政策轉型之議，始有前述蘇貞昌「不回頭搞台獨」、謝長廷「憲法各表」，與柯建銘「凍獨」的眾議紛紜。

然而，跡象顯示，民進黨此次仍不可能跳脫台獨的捆綁，蘇貞昌的「台獨黨綱沒有凍結不凍結的問題」，已經預示了解答。眾所共見，民進黨今日的困局正是：若想「重返執政」，必須跳脫台獨的捆綁；但在黨內正反力量的拉扯下，卻無可能做到。

語云：「去山中賊易，去心中賊難。」民進黨曾在二○○○年推翻了國民黨政權，但自一九九九年《台灣前途決議文》嘗試擺脫台獨以來，卻是迄今仍被台獨纏身，無法翻身。這就是本文標題所指：甩掉台獨，比推翻一個政權還難。

陳水扁在二○○○年贏得總統大選，部分是因《台灣前途決議文》擺出了「甩掉台獨」的姿態；但在執政後，台獨又回頭纏住了民進黨，或民進黨又回頭利用台獨元素來操作政局。如今回顧那段歷史，足證民進黨只是利用「甩掉台獨的姿態」來贏得總統大選，卻在黨的體質上根本沒有「甩掉台獨」的可能性。如今，民進黨為了「重返執政」，又出現「擺出甩掉台獨的姿態」之各種主意，包括蘇貞昌的「不回頭」、謝長廷的「憲法各表」與柯建銘的「凍獨」等，其實率皆只是一種「重返執政」的選舉權謀而已，卻無可能是民進黨在台獨體質上的脫胎換骨。

何況，如今民進黨在內部路線及派系的傾軋中，給外界的觀感是甚至連「擺出甩掉台獨的姿態」的能力都沒有。回想陳水扁當年預見二○○○年大選及當選後執政的難題，促成了《台灣前途決議文》的發布，在黨主席林義雄操持下，其過程堪稱十分流暢；但今日的民進黨，明明嘗盡陳水扁執政八年困於台獨枷鎖而走投無路的苦頭，又經歷蔡英文二○一二年敗於「否定九二共識」；但黨內雖有「不回頭」與「凍獨」的去獨思維，終究不能成為黨內的主流共識。可見，以本文的題旨而言，要在二○○八年推翻玩弄台獨的民進黨政權易（此為山中之賊），卻是要民進黨跳脫台獨的捆綁難（這是心中之賊）。

台獨是一個牽動國際因素、攸關台灣生死存亡的戰略課題，民進黨卻將其矮化成只是一個「重返執政」的選舉權謀工具。即使民進黨作出「甩掉台獨包袱的姿態」贏得了選舉，但騙得了美國嗎？騙得了北京嗎？尤其，最後騙得了覺醒的選民嗎？這正是民進黨自二○○○至二○○八贏得選舉又失掉政權並敗壞了國家的痛苦經驗，難道如今還想在二○一六年複製悲劇？

面對台獨的捆綁，民進黨已然左支右絀，進退失據。二○○○年陳水扁面對的台獨或尚有幾分賞味期的意思，如今蘇貞昌面對的台獨已是不可理喻。民進黨如果再用「作出甩掉台獨的姿態」為選舉權謀，而不能從「台灣生存戰略」的角度來真正「甩掉台獨」，難道民進黨仍想在二○一六抱著台獨重返執政，然後再在二○二○抱著台獨下台？台灣恐怕再也禁不起這種折騰了。

「對中政策」即將揭曉，民進黨最好不要再讓大家見到左支右絀、進退失據的窘態。