Tsai Ing-wen and the KMT: Content Free

Tsai Ing-wen and the KMT: Content Free
China Times News (Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China)
A Translation
January 14, 2014

Summary: Tsai Ing-wen's transformation efforts remain hollow. But they serve as a reminder to the KMT. In the remaining two years that Ma Ying-jeou has as president, the KMT must concentrate efforts to revive the economy and ensure full employment. Ma Ying-jeou is party chairman. He must do his utmost to rebuild the KMT's public support. The two go hand in hand. Only then can the KMT revitalize itself. Tsai Ing-wen's ersatz transformation of the DPP will not fool voters.

Full text below:

The DPP faces a critical choice in its cross-strait policy path. Tsai Ing-wen has suddenly decided to speak up. She said the DPP has its traditional view of cross-strait relations. But its views must also acknowledge political reality. It must view cross-strait issues from Taiwan's perspective. But it must also dialogue and interact with [Mainland] China. This was classic Tsai Ing-wen. Rattle off all manner of feel-good terms, including "values," "reality," and "dialogue." In fact, none of these terms contain any substance, because she is simply unwilling to reveal where she actually stands.

Tsai Ing-wen said that a DPP China policy debate would require comprehensive and precise planning. Otherwise the DPP could lose maneuvering room. She said cross-strait policy is a sensitive issue. She said some topics are suitable for debate, while others are not. Obviously she has reservations about the DPP debating its cross-strait policy path. Tsai Ing-wen has a short memory. Many years ago, when Hsu Hsing-liang promoted a major debate, he did not shrink the DPP's maneuvering room. Just the opposite. He won rave reviews. Nor did Tsai Ing-wen explain which topics were suitable for debate and her own position on sensitive issues.

Tsai Ing-wen's attitude is both conservative and ambiguous. There can be only one real reason for this. She wants to avoids taking any position whatsoever. She wants to come across as flexibile and pragmatic. But she cannot bring herself to forgo the support of Taiwan independence fundamentalists. Therefore she utters meaningless euphemisms. On key issues she casts herself as a pragmatist charged with DPP reform.

Tsai Ing-wen wants to play the role of helmsman in the DPP's transformation. On the one hand, she evades cross-strait issues, while in practice, she clings to Taiwan independence. On the other hand, she panders to civic groups. She appeals to them, hoping to win political support. Tsai Ing-wen says the DPP must undergo reform. The party must "decide how to relate to civil society." She says it must not "relinquish the streets to civic groups" and allow the DPP "to become just another onlooker." Tsai called for "a progressive alliance to transform Taiwan." She is trying to present herself as the political representative of civic groups.

Consider Tsai Ing-wen's family background and political path. She originally had nothing in common with lower middle class voters, the pro-democracy movement, or social movements. When she served as a cabinet official, her dominant policy concerns seldom had anything to do with human rights and social justice. Examine her past record. Her positions on nuclear power plants and Guoguang Petrochemical underwent huge changes. She has totally reversed herself on many issues. But once she found herself out of power, Tsai Ing-wen began holding forth on human rights, social justice, and social movements. She began establishing foundations and online fora, recruiting talent, extending her antennae, parroting social movement rhetoric, all in an effort to burnish her halo. But was she using the social movements, or genuinely lending them her support? Was Tsai Ing-wen really born again? Or merely given a makeover? The answer is clear.

Tsai Ing-wen's nominal "transformation" gained wide applause. It was not because Tsai Ing-wen became chummy with the lower middle class and socially disadvantaged. It was not because she offered a clear agenda. It was because the ruling Kuomintang left a huge political vacuum that the DPP could exploit

The ruling KMT government's policies and personnel appointments reflect its obliviousness to public sentiment. They provoke public discontent. They have become the primary target of civic group protests. The KMT is increasingly chummy with powerful plutocrats, It is increasingly alienated from ordinary people. The KMT has never reversed this image. KMT political rhetoric is uninspiring. It cannot inspire enthusiasm among the electorate. The above highlight the serious disconnect between the KMT and the new era and the new generation.

The KMT has been steady and forward-looking on cross-strait issues. On these it has been more trustworthy than the DPP. It currently wields political power. As long as the KMT formulates sound policy and makes full use of its resources, it can connect with the larger society and enable the party to remain in power. But this entails a number of related conditions. First, its personnel appointments must recruit the right people, with fresh perspectives. This will ensure that its policies achieve a better balance between economic development and social justice. Second, the KMT needs to communicate better with civic groups. It must reflect the values and issues held by civil society. It must accept advice from civic groups on specific policy, and put them into practice. It must not go through the motions, such that "the ship passes and leaves no trace upon the waters." Third, the KMT organizational structure must be more flexible. It must attract qualified people from different walk of life. Politically, it must be more inclusive. It must allow "center-right" to "center-left" forces to gain a foothold within the party, enhance its vitality, and expand its social base.

Unfortunately, over the past five years, the KMT leadership has lacked such thinking. Call for reform reverberated, but remained on the surface. The KMT has promoted many young people. But it has not allowed them to engage in creative thinking. The KMT has many representatives from social organizations and academia on its roster of legislators without portfolio. But their performance in the Legislative Yuan has remained lackluster. They have not been able to set the agenda, increase popular support, or rebuild the image of the party.

Tsai Ing-wen's transformation efforts remain hollow. But they serve as a reminder to the KMT. In the remaining two years that Ma Ying-jeou has as president, the KMT must concentrate efforts to revive the economy and ensure full employment. Ma Ying-jeou is party chairman. He must do his utmost to rebuild the KMT's public support. The two go hand in hand. Only then can the KMT revitalize itself. Tsai Ing-wen's ersatz transformation of the DPP will not fool voters.

社論－蔡英文的空與國民黨的虛
2014-01-14 01:32
中國時報
【本報訊】

    　民進黨兩岸路線的轉型已經面臨關鍵性的抉擇，就在這個時候，蔡英文說話了。她說，民進黨有傳統的兩岸立場與價值思考，但也要納進政治現實，從台灣角度看兩岸問題，並須持續與中國對話、互動。這是典型的蔡氏風格，什麼好聽的詞都說了，包括價值、現實、對話等等，但是就是沒有實質內容，不願表露立場。

    　蔡英文還說，民進黨如果要辦中國政策辯論，要經完整且精密規畫，否則可能消失很多處理事情的空間，又說兩岸政策很敏感，有些事適合辯論、有些事不適合。顯然，她對民進黨辯論兩岸路線是持保留態度。蔡英文忘了，當年許信良推動大辯論，並沒有讓民進黨的空間消失，反而普獲好評，她也根本不說清楚，哪些議題適合辯論，她自己在這些敏感問題上又是什麼立場。

    　蔡英文的保守、曖昧態度，只有一個真正的理由，就是她迴避表態，她想沾上彈性、務實的美名，又不能失掉獨派支持，所以始終說空話，並且在實際的、關鍵性的問題上，扮演牽制民進黨轉型前進的角色。

    　但是，蔡英文還是要把自己裝扮成民進黨轉型的舵手，所以她一方面迴避兩岸問題，實際上堅持獨派立場，一方面向公民運動招手、示好，希望從中累積資本。蔡英文聲稱民進黨必須轉型，黨「與公民社會的關係必須做出抉擇」，不能再「把街頭讓給了公民團體」，民進黨自己「變成眾多觀眾之一」。蔡英文還「號召組織一個改變台灣的進步聯盟」，努力想把自己打扮成公民運動的政治代理人。

    　回顧蔡英文的家世背景與從政道路，原本和中下階層、民主運動、社會運動可以說毫無淵源，她在擔任內閣官員時，所主導或關注的政策議題，和人權、社會正義也少有關連。翻開過去的紀錄，我們會發現，她在核四、國光石化等眾多議題上，立場巨變，昨是今非。但是，在野之後的蔡英文，開始從口中吐出人權、社會正義、公民運動等辭彙，更透過成立基金會與網路論壇等方式，廣納人才，伸長觸角，呼應公民運動熱潮，試圖打造身上的光環。但，這究竟是利用公民運動，還是誠意支持？這是蔡英文的脫胎換骨，還是塗脂抹粉？答案其實是很清楚的。

    　然而，不可否認的，蔡英文的「轉型」還是引來不少掌聲，原因不在於蔡英文真的和中下階層、弱勢群體打成一片，或者是提出了什麼清楚具體的主張，而是執政的國民黨自己竟然放棄一大塊政治空間，徒然讓民進黨從中取利。

    　當今政府無感的政策與人事布局，不斷製造民怨，已經成為公民運動主要的抗爭對象。國民黨和財閥權貴更為親近、離庶民百姓更為遙遠的刻板印象，也始終沒有根本扭轉。國民黨人的政治語言普遍貧乏，難以爭取選民熱情支持。凡此種種，皆凸顯國民黨和新時代、新世代的新議題已經嚴重脫節。

    　在兩岸議題上穩健前進的國民黨，原本就比民進黨更獲得民眾信賴。而作為掌握政權的力量，國民黨只要善於運用政策與資源，完全可以擴大社會連結，讓該黨能永居不敗之地。但這需要幾個環環相扣的條件。首先，是在人事布局上，能進用有新思維、新視野的適當人才，讓政策本身就能更全面，更能平衡經濟發展與社會公義。其次，是要善於和各類公民團體對話，要嘛是能呼應公民團體所倡議的價值與議題，要嘛是能在具體的政策上採納公民團體的建言，具體的加以實踐，絕非「船過水無痕」，淪為形式主義。第三，國民黨本身在組織結構上應該要更有彈性，吸納不同社會領域的優質人才，在政治光譜與價值理念上則應該更為廣泛，讓從「中間偏右」到「中間偏左」的力量都能在黨內取得一席之地，藉以增進黨的活力，擴大黨的社會基礎。

    　可惜的是，5年多下來，國民黨領導層始終缺乏這樣的思考與布局，「改革」口號喊得響徹雲霄，實際上卻停留在非常表面的層次上。國民黨確實拔擢了不少青年才俊，但未必能讓他們的創意與理念得到揮灑空間，國民黨在不分區名單上安排了多位社會團體和學界的代表，但在立法院表現卻乏善可陳，起不了引領議題風潮、擴大支持群眾，重建政黨形象的作用。

    　蔡英文的轉型努力即使看起來仍空，但可以提醒國民黨：在剩下的兩年多時間，馬英九作為總統，要集中精力搞好為全民拚經濟、拚民生的工作，作為主席，更要竭盡心力推動重建國民黨社會基礎的工作，兩者同時並進，國民黨才能重現生機，而民進黨或蔡英文的假轉型，也就起不了什麼騙選票的作用。