China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 4, 2016
Executive Summary: Looking ahead, the DPP is likely to morph into an authoritarian political party. Politically, it already controls the legislative and executive branches. Rhetorically, Taiwan independence populism has already become young peoples' mainstream ideology. They may become the vanguard of a new authoritarian regime. Coupled with state violence, they will be able to impose their will on individuals belonging to different parties, who subscribe to different ideologies. Not being subject to judicial constraints, a reversion to authoritarianism is entirely possible.
Full Text Below:
The ruling DPP was once “dang wai”, i.e., “not part of the ruling KMT”. Its banner was "democracy". Its clarion call was opposition to one-party rule and authoritarianism. The dang wai movement began in 60s with Lei Chen, Lee Wan-chu, Kao Yu-shu, who founded the China Democracy Party. They opposed Chiang Kai-shek's re-election to a third term. They later founded the Democratic Progressive Party, based on democracy and human rights.
Beginning this year, the DPP will enjoy “total government”. People are waiting to see what the DPP will do. Will it consolidate democracy, or endanger it? Will it defend human rights, or despoil them? Will it implement democracy, or betray the electorate? Will it cast off the guise of democracy, reveal the face of Taiwan independence populism, and transform into an authoritarian fascist regime?
Based on developments over the past several months, the outlook is not bright. A number of superficially unrelated events, if strung together, reveal clear authoritarian tendencies. Recently the DPP used its numbers to ram through the "Articles for the Handling of Assets Improperly Obtained by Political Parties and Affiliated Organizations". This regulation allows the Executive Yuan to establish an "Improper Party Assets Cleanup Committee" that can target any political party and its affiliated organizations. It allows the Executive Yuan to investigate the Nationalist Government's recovery of Taiwan In 1945, to summon people at whim, to search the premises of any institutions, organizations, or individuals with help from police.
According to the current system of justice, if police wish to search the premises of any group or individual, they must first obtain a warrant from a judge. but the Improper Party Assets Cleanup Committee could ignore judges. As long as the committee has decided that certain groups or individuals have relevant information, it can show up anytime accompanied by police and conduct a search.
From the end of World War II to the end of authoritarian rule, the KMT made no distinction between party and state. This process was hazardous for democracy, but also enabled the government to develop the economy. The Articles for the Handling of Assets Improperly Obtained by Political Parties and Affiliated Organizations are rooted in the former, but the scope of the investigation includes the latter. The committee will gradually discover that many pioneering economic policies were underwritten with KMT party funds. They include agriculture, forestry, mining, textile, the chemical industry, trade, development banks, securities trading, securities financing, securities investment trust industry, the stock market, the semiconductor industry, and the information industry.
Party assets financed economic policy. Therefore all sorts of industries and individuals are likely to be subjects of investigation. Is the Executive Yuan determined to establish a reign of terror? Is it determined to create a modern version of the Dongchang, the Ming dynasty secret police? If so, the
Articles for the Handling of Assets Improperly Obtained by Political Parties and Affiliated Organizations give the committee carte blanche, unrestrained by the rule of law. The articles constitutes a major step in the direction toward authoritarianism.
There is also the intimidation of career officials. DPP legislators without portfolio have denounced the Commissioner of National Health in the Ministry of Health and Welfare. They said “This woman is uppity” and "doesn't know her place". They said she served as Ilan County Chief under the KMT, and is now serving a second term as a Level 3 civil servant under the DPP. They demanded that the Ministry of Health and Welfare “deal with the matter” as soon as possible. Sure enough, she was promptly removed from her current position. Under the rule of law in a democratic society, as long a career officer makes no mistakes at work, she may not be persecuted based on her party affiliation. The vendetta waged by these legislators without portfolio will have a chilling effect on all career officials. It too constitutes a major step towards authoritarianism.
The third matter worth noting, is state indoctrination in Taiwan independence and the rise of populism. During her election campaign, President Tsai claimed that Taiwan independence has become a "natural component" of young peoples' identity. Actually, what young people consider "natural Taiwan independence" or "natural Taiwanese identity" may need to be vetted by many more elections. Besides, for young people on Taiwan, this so-called “natural component” is hardly natural. It is artificial, man-made, inculcated. Since 1996, primary and secondary school textbooks have swung like a pendulum from one extreme to the other. From the KMT, to the DPP. This course curriculum has relentlessly indoctrinated young students with radical Taiwan independence thought and cookie cutter responses.
Looking ahead, the DPP is likely to morph into an authoritarian political party. Politically, it already controls the legislative and executive branches. Rhetorically, Taiwan independence populism has already become young peoples' mainstream ideology. They may become the vanguard of a new authoritarian regime. Coupled with state violence, they will be able to impose their will on individuals belonging to different parties, who subscribe to different ideologies. Not being subject to judicial constraints, a reversion to authoritarianism is entirely possible.
To prevent this from happening, at least two forces are required. President Tsai herself must decide what she values she subscribes to, and what historical legacy she seeks. She must firmly guard democracy, and resist the temptation of authoritarianism. She may believe in Taiwan independence. But she must give priority to democracy and human rights. She must not use authoritarianism to impose Taiwan independence ideology upon the Taiwan public. She must keep the common people in mind, maintain cross-Strait peace, restrain nativist sentiment rooted in hatred of “the other”. She must cease indoctrinating the next generation with such thinking.
The second force is Taiwan society, especially media ovesight and public resistance. When President Chen Shui-bian was in office, his corruption triggered massive protests. If Taiwan reverts to authoritarian rule, the media and the people must rise up and fight. They must not wait until it is too late. They must come forward at the very beginning. Democracy and human rights are universal values. They are something Taiwan can be proud of. The people must never tolerate their destruction and repression.
警惕民進黨新威權政體復辟
2016/8/4 中國時報
執政黨早期是「黨外」，打的名號是「民主」，對人民的訴求是反對一黨獨大、反對威權。「黨外」運動史從1960年雷震、李萬居、高玉樹共同成立中國民主黨，反對蔣介石連任第3任總統開始，到後來民主進步黨成立，都是以民主和人權爭取民心。
今年開始，民進黨已經完全執政。全民都睜著眼睛在看，從現在開始，民主是可以被鞏固，還是反而遭到危機；人權可以被更有效地保障，還是開始被糟蹋；民進黨是要實踐民主，還是會逐漸背棄其過去對選民的訴求，退去民主的外衣，露出民粹台獨的威權面目，成為一個法西斯的政權。
以最近幾個月的情況來看，並不樂觀。有幾個事件，看似單一，但如果把它們串起來，已經顯露出威權主義的頭角。最近民進黨利用人數優勢，強行通過了《政黨及其附隨組織不當取得財產處理條例》。這個條例允許行政院所設的「不當黨產處理委員會」，對於任何政黨及其附屬組織，於民國34年國民政府接收台灣日起有關財產的作為，進行調查，包含通知相關人到會陳述意見，也包含該會派員前往機關、團體或個人住所進行類似搜索，而且在此過程中得請警察機關協助。
根據現在司法制度，如果司法警察要到任何團體或個人住所進行搜索，必須先取得法官核可，但「不當黨產處理委員會」的權力凌駕法院的法官。該會只要認定某團體或個人有相關的資料，便可以在警察的陪同下，於任何時間直接到場進行搜索。
從戰後到威權體制的結束，國民黨和國家確實是黨國不分。但這個過程中，有危害民主的威權成分，也有發展導向政府的主導經濟事物成分。這個條例立論在前者，但實際調查範圍擴及到後者。這個委員會將逐步發現，當時有很多經濟政策的執行，所站出來實際投入市場的第一線尖兵事業，是由政黨出錢設立的，包含農林礦業、紡織業、化工業、貿易業、開發銀行業、證券交易業、證券融資業、證券投資信託業、票券業、半導體業、資訊業…等等。
所有當初以黨資參與經濟政策執行的行業及其從業人員都有可能接受調查，株連極廣。如果行政院有心要塑造恐怖政治，創立一個現代東廠，這個條例就給了一把不受法院節制的尚方寶劍，形成向威權體制前進的一大步。
另外一個事件是恐嚇事務官。民進黨不分區立法委員在立法院指責衛生福利部國健署長「這個女士厚臉皮」、「未能知所分際」，說她過去代表國民黨參選宜蘭縣長，如今又續任民進黨政府的三級文官，要求衛福部盡速處理；這個署長果然立刻被調離現職。在民主法治社會，事務官只要在工作上沒有犯錯，是不能因為其政黨傾向而被任意侮辱的。這位不分區立委的出手，將對所有事務官形成嚇阻，進而成為走向威權的另一大步。
第三個要注意的，是台獨民粹的培養和崛起。蔡總統在當選前曾經說，台獨已經成為年輕人的「天然成分」。不過，年輕人究竟是「天然獨」或「天然台」，可能還要經過更多次的選舉才能驗證，何況台灣年輕人這種天然成分，與其說是天然的，不如說是人為灌溉的。1996年來的中小學課綱，從原來國民黨的那個極端，急速地像鐘擺一樣擺到另外一個極端。受到這些課綱和根據這些課綱所編撰出來課本的影響，年輕學生逐漸被偏激的台獨思想影響，走向言論一元化。
放眼未來，民進黨確有可能成為威權政黨。在政權上，立法和行政都已經掌握了。在言論上，台獨民粹崛起，成為年輕人的主流意識型態，也就可以成為新威權體制的側翼尖兵。如果再加上利用國家暴力，強加於不同政黨傾向、不同意識型態的國民身上，不受司法的節制，威權政治就有可能復辟。
要防止這個現象發生，至少需要兩個力量。一個是蔡總統本身對價值判斷和歷史定位的選擇，她必須堅定地守護民主，抗拒威權的誘惑。即使她信仰台獨，也必須把民主和人權放在第一位，不能利用威權體制把台獨強加於人民之上。更希望她以蒼生為念，維持兩岸和平，節制以仇恨為本的本土思潮，不要再用這樣的思潮來教育下一代。
第二個力量，就是台灣本身的社會力，尤其是媒體的監督和人民的抗爭力量。陳水扁總統在位時，曾經因為貪腐形象，而引發大規模的群眾抗議。如果台灣再產生威權政府，媒體和人民均應當立刻起而抗爭。而且，不能到最後階段才提出反對，必須在一開始有跡象時就挺身而出。民主和人權是普世價值，也是台灣可以傲人之處，絕不應容忍任何人對其進行破壞和壓抑。
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