Three Months Later, Tsai Government Still “Preparing”

Three Months Later, Tsai Government Still “Preparing” 
United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC) 
A Translation 
August 11, 2016

Executive Summary: Tsai Ing-wen's personnel appointments appear to be more prudent than Ma Ying-jeou's. For that she deserves applause. But can the new government perform as people expect? When public discontent rises, the Tsai government's caution may not be appreciated. Can Tsai Ing-wen overcome these three obstacles? That depends on whether she can rise to the challenge. She must set aside trivial matters. She must move out of narrow circles. She must rise to a commanding height. She must overcome excessive caution. Only then can she find the right direction, and advance at the proper pace.

Full Text Below:

After nearly three months in office, the Tsai government is still "preparing”. Key positions remain unfilled. Personnel shuffles remain indeterminate. Appointments of government heads continue to meet resistance. Representative to Singapore Chiang Chun-nan was recently arrested for drunk driving. The subsequent public uproar forced him to resign, even before he assumed his duties as envoy. This marks the untimely end of the Tsai government's honeymoon period.

Chiang Chun-nan was sworn in as Representative to Singapore on the second of the month. The very same evening, he was arrested for drunk driving. He held out for nearly a week before finally announcing his resignation. Both he and the Presidential Office misjudged the situation. They assumed the incident would blow over. They failed to anticipate the backlash that followed. Many citizens groups demanded Chiang Chun-nan's resignation. They included those who consider drunk driving a crime. They included green camp members who are concerned about the Tsai government's image. They included younger folk who refuse to tolerate double standards. These forces toppled Chiang Chun-nan, and gave President Tsai a piece of their mind.

The same was true of Tsai's appointments for president and vice president of the Judicial Yuan. President Tsai nominated Hsieh Wen-ting and Lin Ching-fang because they were a “sure thing”. Tsai assumed their qualifications would enable her to promote judicial reform. Who knew the legal profession and academia would oppose them? Hsieh Wen-ting, who served many years as a prosecutor, was accused of having an "authoritarian background". Lin Ching-fang was accused of plagiarizing her thesis. Whether the allegations are true remains to be seen. But wave after wave of opposition show that Tsai's appointments do not meet with legal profession approval. They also show that Tsai's high-minded "judicial reform" has already failed the test of reality, and left her deeply embarrassed.

On the same day that Chiang Chun-nan resigned, the Presidential Office announced that Ma government era Minister of Economic Affairs Teng Chen-chung would be appointed Executive Yuan Political Affairs Representative. Presidential Office Deputy Secretary-General Tseng Hou-jen would take over as Secretary General of the National Security Council. These appointments are worth noting. First, Teng Chen-chung was originally supposed to be appointed Representative to Indonesia. But before he assumed office, he was named Minister without Portfolio. Clearly personnel appointments in the Tsai government can change at the drop of a hat. Second, Teng Chen-chung's appointment as Political Affairs Officer, shows that Tsai intends to use the MAC Vice Chairman appointment to improve cross-Strait relations. But why was the Political Affairs Officer appointment announced by the Presidential Office? That seems unusual. Third, the appointments of Tseng Hou-jen and Yao Jen-tuo swapped their job descriptions. This improved the Presidential Office's ability to communicate. But it also revealed poor judgment by the National Security Council on foreign affairs and international relations. Switching the two around will probably not help either internal or external strategy.

As the above shows, Tsai Ing-wen's personnel appointments face three huge obstacles. These three obstacles will prevent the Tsai government from achieving anything of worth. The first obstacle is President Tsai's lack of vision and courage. Tsai Ing-wen's appointments are unique. She sometimes attempts to transcend blue and green. But she is limited by her experience in office and in the opposition. She is overly cautious. She invariably plays it safe. She is afraid to do anything groundbreaking.

The second obstacle is DPP and Taiwan independence political constraints. Ideological and personal constraints keep President Tsai a hostage of the green camp. This includes appointments and promotions for diplomatic envoys, officials of China Airlines, China Petroleum, and other SOEs. All reek of political patronage. All force people to hold their noses.

The third obstacle is a political atmosphere filled with hatred. The new government has not led society in the right direction. It persists in fomenting blue vs. green confrontation. Public discontent is rising, and seeking an outlet. Under the circumstances political appointees will wind up taking the blame. Just like Chiang Chun-nan, Hsieh Wen-ting, and others, they will be smeared. With so much mud being slung, those willing to join the government and take up public service, will be an endangered species.

Tsai Ing-wen's personnel appointments appear to be more prudent than Ma Ying-jeou's. For that she deserves applause. But can the new government perform as people expect? When public discontent rises, the Tsai government's caution may not be appreciated. Can Tsai Ing-wen overcome these three obstacles? That depends on whether she can rise to the challenge. She must set aside trivial matters. She must move out of narrow circles. She must rise to a commanding height. She must overcome excessive caution. Only then can she find the right direction, and advance at the proper pace.

聯合／上任近3個月 蔡政府人事還在「整地」狀態
2016-08-11 03:20 聯合報 聯合報社論

上任近三個月，蔡政府的人事似乎仍處於「整地」的狀態：有些重要職務依然懸缺，有些人事挪移不定，有些首長提名則受到杯葛和抵制。最近，駐星代表江春男的酒駕事件引發輿論的軒然大波，最後江春男被迫辭去尚未就任的使節職務；至此，也等於宣告了蔡政府的蜜月期提前結束。

江春男在二日宣誓出任駐星代表，當晚即因酒駕被依公共危險罪遭移送，他拖了近一周才宣布辭職；其中原因，想必是他和總統府都作了錯誤的判斷，以為可以拖待變，沒想到卻撞到民意的鐵板。在要求江春男辭職的聲音中，有堅持酒駕是一種犯罪行為的公民團體，有擔心蔡政府形象遭牽累的綠營人士，還有更多主張道德不能有兩套標準的年輕世代；這些不同的力量共同推倒了江春男，也給了蔡英文總統一個顏色。

如出一轍的，是稍早的司法院正副院長提名。蔡總統提名謝文定和林錦芳，原是基於穩健及務實考量，以為可以借重他們的資歷推動司法改革。未料，兩人隨即遭到法界和學界的反對，謝文定因長年擔任檢察官被控具有「威權履歷」，林錦芳則遭爆料指其某篇論文涉及抄襲。這些指控究竟合不合理或真不真實，仍有待驗證；但這些滔滔不絕的反對聲浪，除反映蔡英文的提名不符法界期待，也暴露她的「司法改革」高調面對現實檢驗時，已顯得困窘萬狀。

在江春男請辭當天，總統府同時宣布，馬政府時代的經濟部長鄧振中出任行政院政務委員，此外，總統府副秘書長曾厚仁改任國安會副秘書長，遺缺由國安諮詢委員姚人多接任。這些人事，有幾點值得注意：第一，鄧振中原內定出任駐印尼代表，尚未上任即改任政務委員，顯示人事安排可在一念之間異動，似顯草率。第二，鄧振中的政委人事，顯示蔡英文有意借重其陸委會副主委經驗改善兩岸關係；但政委人事為何由府方宣布，似顯不太尋常。第三，曾厚仁和姚人多的職務異動顯係功能性的對調，除了旨在加強總統府的對外溝通因應，也顯示國安會在外交及國際情勢研判上的荏弱確是問題。然而，只是兩人對調，對於內外戰略的結構性補強恐助益無多。

從上述線索，可以看到蔡英文在政府人事安排上面對了三座大山，這三座大山，也正是蔡政府至今難以拿出耀眼施政成績的主因。第一座大山，是蔡總統用人的眼界和膽識的局限：蔡英文用人有其獨到著眼，有時也力圖排除藍綠之見，但受到自身從政及在野經驗之限，她顯得小心翼翼，打的只是「安全牌」，而不敢作開創性及突破性之嘗試。

第二座大山，是民進黨及獨派的政治掣肘：無論是基於意識型態的捆綁，或出於個人因素的職務索求，綠營都對蔡總統的施展構成束縛。包括多位駐外使節的安排，乃至華航、中油等國營事業的人事升遷，都讓民眾嗅到酬庸徇私的氣味，令人掩鼻。

第三座大山，是國內政治氛圍依然惡意硝煙繚繞：新政府上台未能迅速將社會氣氛轉為正向，一些鬥爭式的法案使藍綠對峙不安，而民間社會高漲的批評聲音則不時在尋找發洩的出口；在這種情況下，不僅政務官往往動輒得咎，像江春男、謝文定等未及上任即遭汙泥投身者更時有所聞。在如此惡濁的環境下，願意進入政府工作且以為公服務為榮的人，似已成瀕危動物。

觀察蔡英文用人，似要比馬英九謹慎，這點值得鼓掌。但是，當新政府表現趕不上人民期待，當民眾動輒將各種不滿情緒上綱到最高層，這些謹慎的正面價值也可能很快會化為烏有。蔡英文要如何跨越她人事任命的三座大山，關鍵在她如何大膽挑戰自己，她必須放下那些瑣細的事務，走出狹窄的圈子，提升到縱觀大局的高度；如此，才不會在謹慎顧盼中喪失了自己的方向和速度。