Tsai Ying-wen's Autocratic Overreach

Tsai Ying-wen's Autocratic Overreach  
United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC) 
A Translation 
November 30, 2016

Executive Summary: No matter how many grand plans one might have for the nation, Tsai Ing-wen's blueprint for reform has already provoked violence and chaos. The public cannot swallow it. In fact, even the Executive Yuan and the Legislative Yuan have no idea where they are going. At this point, President Tsai must shift gears and change direction. She must re-prioritize her decision-making. More importantly, she must ensure that her administration understands her policy path. They cannot afford to look up to the sky and not pay attention to their feet on the ground.

Full Text Below:

Recently the streets of Taipei have overflowed with protesters. The number of protesters continues to rise. Labor organizations have protested the longer work week. Gay rights activists have protested the lack of same-sex marriages. Consumers have protested the importation of food products from Japan's nuclear disaster area. More recently, TransAsia Airways workers have protested the Civil Aeronautics Administration, and KMT party workers have protested CIPAS nationalization of KMT assets. This does not even include military personnel, civil servants, and public school teachers, who have called a temporary truce. President Tsai Ing-wen remains committed to her reformist crusade. She assumes it is the quickest way to a new Taiwan. But with brush fires breaking out everywhere, and protests erupting all around, she is seriously testing the public's patience.

There is no doubt that this rash of protests on Taiwan is the result of political deadlock. The reason for the deadlock is Tsai's autocratic reforms, combined with her incompetent governance. If Tsai were a charismatic leader, and her administration comprised of experienced political veterans, she might get away with her “reform of the week” crusade. But Tsai Ing-wen's support comes from an array of finger-pointing Taiwan independence elders. Her administration is staffed by panicked and confused cabinet members. Under the circumstances how can the Tsai government possibly impose her half-baked policies with a heavy hand? How can she possibly expect the public to swallow them?

One month after taking office, Tsai Ing-wen's approval rating was 60%. Six months after taking office, her approval rating was down to 30%. We have no idea how Tsai Ing-wen is interpreting this public disappointment. Is she kidding herself when she says "Reforms invariably encounter setbacks"? Is she flattering herself when she says "Reactionary forces are lashing back"? Either way, the moment President Tsai falls back on such psychological defense mechanisms, she is likely to lose sight of her original goal. All of Tsai Ing-wen's pledges can be summed up in her May 20 inaugural address, when she said "What people are looking for is a solution to their problems". But what has the government actually done over the past six months to help people solve their problems? Has it merely created more problems?

Tsai's reforms have provoked public protests for three reasons. First, her reforms were not properly planned. She failed to consider the pros and cons of her reforms. She presented no clear blueprint, therefore people remained skeptical. Second, the Tsai government refused to listen to the views of different segments of society. She resisted open dialogue with the public. Third, during decision-making, she used all manner unscrupulous means to pander to the DPP at the expense of democracy and the rule of law.

In fact, the recent protests are not necessarily in opposition to Tsai government reforms per se. They are in opposition to reforms whose goals are none too clear, or whose means are far too autocratic. They are in opposition to partisan vendettas disguised as reform, with the government trampling over democracy and the rule of law. Tsai Ing-wen's flowery rhetoric, arrant overreach, and forked tongue, have all been fatal to her image.

During the recent controversy over same-sex marriage, the Tsai Ing-wen government never consulted with the public. It never even asked the cabinet or the DPP legislative caucus for a draft version. Instead, it allowed Yu Mei-jen to present a common law draft version, to be rammed through the legislature. Naturally this caused public panic. Same-sex marriage is an issue unrelated to blue vs. green ideology. Taiwan society is becoming more open. It has gradually become one of the most open in Asia. The younger generation is far friendlier toward gays than previous generations. If the government is well prepared and communicates effectively, Taiwan can take a giant step forward in same-sex marriage compared to its neighbors. But Yu Mei-jen ignored the need for public consultation. She took the lead in ramming the bill through the legislature. Meanwhile, Tsai Ying-wen feined neutrality. The result was proponents and opponents at dagger points, taking to the streets and screaming at each other. This was a negative development no one wanted to see.

As such, however the chips fall, serious disagreements have divided society and the generations. Such an outcome is the inevitable consequence of poor governance. Consider internal dissent on this issue just within the DPP itself. Legislators without portfolio are out in front leading the charge. Legislators who represent regional constituents on the other hand, are in the rear, dragging their feet. Divisions among the public run deep. How can Tsai Ing-wen pretend not to see?

No matter how many grand plans one might have for the nation, Tsai Ing-wen's blueprint for reform has already provoked violence and chaos. The public cannot swallow it. In fact, even the Executive Yuan and the Legislative Yuan have no idea where they are going. At this point, President Tsai must shift gears and change direction. She must re-prioritize her decision-making. More importantly, she must ensure that her administration understands her policy path. They cannot afford to look up to the sky and not pay attention to their feet on the ground.

改革暴衝：蔡英文的眼高手低
2016-12-02 聯合報

最近台北街頭每天充塞著抗爭群眾，且隊伍不斷增加。從勞工的一例一休之爭，同性婚姻的正反兩軍之戰，民眾抵制日本核虞食品的示威活動，最近又新添了興航員工突襲民航局、及國民黨黨工包圍黨產會的抗議事件。這些，都還沒算上暫時休兵的軍公教隊伍。儘管蔡英文總統仍耽溺於她的改革大業，以為可以在最短的時間打造一個全新的台灣，但隨著烽火連綿，抗爭四起，她也嚴重考驗著民眾的耐性。

毫無疑問，台灣社會這種抗爭四起的現象，正是「政治塞車」的後遺症；而政治之所以塞車，則是「改革暴衝」加上「行政無能」的結果。假使蔡英文是一位魅力領袖，而她的執政團隊又是支經驗老到的精兵，或許還可堪當其「每周一改革」的志業。而如今的景象卻是，蔡英文背後站著成排指指點點的獨派大老，其行政團隊則是一群面露惶恐、不知所措的閣員；在這種情況下，蔡政府要用雷霆手段推動一堆半生不熟的政策，如何教民眾吞得下去？

從執政滿月時逾六成的支持度，跌到執政半年後僅剩三成的滿意度，我們不知道蔡英文如何解讀民意對她的失望：是要以「改革總會遭遇反挫」故作鎮定呢；或要以「保守勢力反撲」來自我增強？無論如何，一旦蔡總統陷入這樣的心理防衛機制，她極可能就失卻了自己的初衷。在五二○就職演說中，蔡英文所有的承諾可化約為一句話：「人民期待的，就是解決問題」；但執政半年來，政府究竟幫台灣解決了什麼問題，或者反而製造了更多問題？

改革之所以會發生暴衝，原因有三：第一，在改革構思上，缺乏審慎的計議和利弊分析，因提不出清晰的推動藍圖，讓民眾心生疑懼。第二，在政治過程中，政府一意孤行，缺乏聆聽社會不同意見的胸襟，亦不願虛心與民眾溝通對話；第三，在決策操作上，為達一己政黨之目的，不擇手段，踰越民主法治界線而在所不惜。

事實上，民眾近期抗爭不斷，未必是反對蔡政府的改革本身，而是反對改革的目標太不明確，或是反對改革的手段太過粗暴，或者反對藉改革之名行鬥爭之實，甚至是不滿政府踐踏民主法治。這些情況，對映蔡英文口口聲聲華麗的文青詞藻，她的「眼高手低」，乃至「心口不一」，皆是其致命傷。

以最近同性婚姻的爭議為例，蔡英文政府從未就此議題進行任何社會溝通，甚至未及待內閣提出政院版本或立院黨團提民進黨版本草案，即讓尤美女帶著她的「民法版」草案直接闖關，這當然會引起社會大眾的慌亂。同性婚姻是一個無關藍綠的議題，以台灣社會的開放性，走到今天，已漸漸成為亞洲最開放的國家之一，年輕世代對同志的友善程度也大大超越上一代。如果政府做好準備，經過有效溝通，台灣不無可能在同性婚姻立法上超越鄰國，邁開一大步。然而，在社會溝通付諸闕如下，尤美女帶頭闖關，蔡英文態度曖昧；結果造成正反兩派人馬劍拔弩張，甚至上街對嗆，互相鄙視，這是大家不樂見的反向發展。

如此一來，無論此一法案最後以何種方式收場，對社會及世代都將是一場嚴重的撕裂；這樣的結局，就是惡劣操作的必然後果。只消看民進黨內部對此議題的分歧，不分區立委在前方衝刺，區域立委在後方拉扯，即可知民間歧見之深；對此，蔡英文可以裝作看不見嗎？

無論胸中還有多少治國大計，她的改革藍圖已經出現頻頻暴衝並導致社會混亂，不僅民眾消化不良，事實上連行政和立法部門都不知道自己將走向何方。此際，蔡總統必須調整她施政的速度和方向，重新整理決策的優先順序。更重要的，是要確保她的執政團隊有能力掌握政策走向，不要眼睛望著天空，卻不留心自己腳下步履是否穩妥。