Is a Political Party that only Shirks Responsibility Fit to Rule?
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 12, 2014
Summary: German Chancellor Angela Merkel once shared a sobering thought. She
said freedom requires responsibility, tolerance, and courage. To enjoy
freedom, one must internalize responsibility and tolerance. Only then
will one have the courage to defend freedom. Only then can one truly
enjoy freedom. Minister Chang was humiliated and forced to step down.
Taiwan has yet to earn its freedom. Taiwan's "political freedom" is
nothing more than irresponsible chaos and overweening evil.
Full Text Below:
The Presidential Office and the Executive Yuan have repeatedly urged Chang Chia-juch to stay on. But he is determined to resign. This has established a rare precedent in the history of the Republic of China. A ministry head has resigned. Not because of any moral or policy deficiencies on his part, but because he refused to be humilated by the Legislative Yuan. Chang Chia-juch's resignation is an event we must all take very seriously.
Over the last several days, few have applauded the DPP's slick sophistry. Instead, many have sympathized with Chang Chia-juch's humiliation. The reason is simple. It is easy to elect a legislator adept at humiliating officials. It is not so easy to recruit a capable Minister of Economic Affairs. What does Taiwan need the most right now? A legislator adept at using obscenities to curse others? Or an official who knows how to cope with fiscal problems?
DPP legislators deny that they humiliated Minister Chang or wallowed in Schadenfreude because a Ma adminstration ministry head stepped down. It is precisely this smarmy attitude that many find intolerable. Especially as more and more evidence surfaces showing that Chen Chu and the Kaohsiung City Government bear far greater responsibility for the gas explosion. More and more people are beginning to realize that Chang Chia-juch's departure was not a victory for the DPP, but a loss for Taiwan.
Did DPP legislators really not humiliate Minister Chang? Let us return to the scene, to the meeting of the 7th Legislative Yuan Economic Committee. Note that the agenda for the day was to review special regulations for the FEPZ. Chang Chia-juch was legally required to attend. Unexpectedly, he was subjected to extreme humiliation. Chen Chi-mai railed against Chang Chia-juch, saying, "Today is the seventh day of the victims' deaths. How can you just sit there? Are you even human?" After which others labeled Chang Chia-juch a "cold-blooded minister." They derided him for a full minute, yet Chang Chia-juch said nothing. Chiu Yee-ying even chased after Chang Chia-juch, sarcastically demanding, "Minister! Will you be attending the memorial service?"
If such language does not constitute "humiliation," what does? Never mind some minister. Any normal person suddenly scolded, "Are you even human?" is going to be emotionally upset. In fact, had Minister Chang remained cool in the face of such a vicious rhetorical assault, and offered a glib response, we would probably respect him less.
We realize of course that DPP legislators ganging up on this official in order to humilate him, was part of the Kaohsiung City Government's smoke screen, and part of its attempt to shirk responsibility. Think about it. A major public safety incident occurred in Kaohsiung. So many people are now dead or injured. Does this really have nothing to do with agencies inside the municipal government? Yet the Kaohsiung City Government flatly refuses to acknowledge one iota of culpability. It foists all responsibility onto others. From the very beginning we have watched the Kaohsiung City Government lead the charge, denouncing LCY Chemical, scolding CGTD, criticizing the Ministry of Economic Affairs, accusing the Ma administration, and even blaming Wu Den-yih, who served as mayor 16 years ago. No matter how many mistakes were made, they were all somebody else's fault.
The Kaohsiung City Government took the lead in shirking responsibility. The DPP of course provided cover at the central government level. This is how the humiliation of a ministry head was stage-managed. Alas, the city government's own documents gave it away. As it turned out, the city government works department subbed out the project, then committed major blunders during the construction phase. But is there any chance Chen Chu will change her attitude overnight? Is there any chance the city government will acknowledge that its own agencies failed to coordinate with each other? Is there any chance it will apologize to the public, hand four administrative officials their walking papers, and express a willingness to assume responsibility? And just suppose it actually were to offer a belated apology? What of it? DPP legislators humiliated Chang Chia-juch. Is there any possibility of them taking back what they said? Chen Chi-mai scolded the minister, saying, "Are you even human?" Chiu Yee Ying chased after Chang to harass him. Is there any possibility of her offering an apology? As we contemplate their two days of sophistry, what can we do but shake our heads in incredulity?
Everyone knows the DPP is highly adept at agenda setting and spin doctoring. DPP legislators are far more adept than KMT legislators at humiliating officials. But never before has its behavior been this egregious. The disaster, which claimed so many lives and inflicted so many injuries, clearly occurred in a county or city presided over by its own party. Yet no one in the entire party, from top to bottom, has assumed one iota of responsibility for the catastrophe. Instead, all of the DPP's political smarts have been focused on buck-passing, shirking responsibility, and reveling in the fruits of political victory. The DPP flagrantly blasted a minister until he stepped down. Meanwhile four Kaohsiung City Government officials resigned two days later. The truth could no longer be covered up. Only then did DPP officials reluctantly step down. Can politicians so utterly deficient in responsibility ever win the public trust?
Just think. Suppose such a party becomes the ruling party one day. Would it ever assume responsibility for its mistakes? When it precipitates disaster, can anyone be guarantee it will assume responsibility instead of blaming the opposition? After all, isn't this precisely what this party is so good at? This is a political party whose strong suit is passing the buck and shirking responsibility. This is a political party whose strong suit, from top to bottom, is humiliating others. Therefore, what else can we look forward to?
German Chancellor Angela Merkel once shared a sobering thought. She said freedom requires responsibility, tolerance, and courage. To enjoy freedom, one must internalize responsibility and tolerance. Only then will one have the courage to defend freedom. Only then can one truly enjoy freedom. Minister Chang was humiliated and forced to step down. Taiwan has yet to earn its freedom. Taiwan's "political freedom" is nothing more than irresponsible chaos and overweening evil.
社論-只會卸責的政黨 豈有資格執政
2014年08月12日 04:10
編輯部
府院幾度慰留,但還是留不住張家祝堅定的去意,創下中華民國憲政史上,少見因為不堪立法院羞辱,不是因為道德或政策缺失而下台的部長,我們必須嚴肅面對張家祝辭職事件。
這幾天,沒有多少人為民進黨立委的伶牙俐齒喝采,反而更多人是為張家祝的受辱感到不捨與惋惜,理由很簡單,要生產一位善於羞辱官員的立委,實在很簡單,但要培養一位專業的經濟部長,卻是非常不容易!試請問當下的台灣最需要的,究竟是最懂得用最難堪字眼罵人的立委?還是懂得處理財經難題的官員?
一直到現在,民進黨立委都否認他們有羞辱張部長,甚至還在為馬政府又多一位下台的部長,不斷的在額手稱慶,正就是這種嘴臉,讓許多人都看不下去了!特別是在這幾天,當越來越多證據指陳,高雄市政府所必須擔的責任更大之後,才更讓人覺得,張家祝的去職,根本不是民進黨的勝利,而是台灣的損失。
民進黨立委真的都沒羞辱張部長嗎?且讓我們再一次回到7日立院經濟委員會的現場,注意當天排的議程是要審查自經區特別條例,張家祝是依法必須要出席。不料卻遭到極其難堪的羞辱,陳其邁對著張家祝說,「今天是罹難者『頭七』,你怎麼還有心情坐在這裡?你是人嗎?」之後更痛罵張家祝是「冷血部長」,痛罵時間長達1分鐘;張家祝一言未發,邱議瑩也追著張家祝嗆聲「部長!公祭你要去嗎?」
看看這樣的語言,如果這還不叫「羞辱」,那怎樣才叫羞辱呢?就算不是部長,任何正常人冷不防被指著鼻子罵「你是人嗎?」能夠平常心以對嗎?我們反倒以為,如果張部長在這樣惡毒語言攻擊下還能坦然以對,繼續巧言應付,那就沒啥好尊敬的了。
我們當然清楚,這場民進黨立委集體羞辱官員的秀,是為配合高雄市政府卸責的一場烏賊戰!試想,高雄發生這麼大的公安事件,死傷那麼多人,市政府相關單位哪裡可能完全置身事外?很不幸,高雄市政府就是不想承擔,就是想把一切責任全諉給別人!所以從事件一開始,大家第一時間所看到的是:高市府帶頭罵榮化、罵華運、罵經濟部、罵馬政府,甚至帳還算到16年前吳敦義擔任市長的年代,反正千錯萬錯,都是別人的錯!
高市府既然帶頭卸責,民進黨當然在中央這邊配合掩護,於是一場難堪的羞辱部長的戲碼,就這樣上演了!要不是被市府自己的公文踢爆,原來根本就是由市府工務局發包施做,且為錯誤施工,陳菊哪裡可能會態度一夕大轉彎?哪裡可能願意承認是市府團隊的內部局處縱向、橫向連繫沒做好?哪裡可能會急忙向市民道歉,讓4名政務官請辭?並表態願意負起責任?但就算這是遲來的道歉又如何!先前民進黨立委對張家祝的羞辱可能會收回嗎?罵部長「你是人嗎」的陳其邁,以及一路追罵張家祝的邱議瑩,可能會道歉嗎?看看他們這兩天的狡辯,還是搖頭吧!
講實在話,誰都知道民進黨非常善於操縱議題,民進黨的立委也遠比國民黨的立委更會羞辱官員,但從來沒有一次像這次這樣,明明是一場發生在自己政黨執政縣市的公安災難,死傷還這般慘重,竟然會是整個政黨從上到下,未聞見到有一絲絲的主動承擔與扛責,卻是將所有的政治智慧,全灌注到推諉與卸責上,而且戰果豐碩,活生生將一個部長轟下台。而高市府4名政務官請辭,卻是在兩天後,事實真相再也掩飾不了,才不得不為,這般的政治承擔,怎麼可能讓人信服呢?
試想,這樣的政黨有一天若是成了執政黨,還會主動承擔與扛責嗎?誰會保證他們在出了事之後,不會將一切責任全怪到在野黨頭上?因為這不就是這個政黨所最擅長的嘛!一個擅長於推諉與卸責的政黨,一個內部上下都只會羞辱人的政黨,有什麼好值得期待的呢?
德國總理梅克爾曾說過一句發人深省的話:自由包含責任、包容及勇氣;要擁有自由,責任感與包容心要內化,然後還要有捍衛自由的勇氣,才能真正享有自由!由這次張部長被羞辱下台事件,我們認為,台灣還不是一個有資格擁有自由的國家,台灣的政治自由只是不負責任的混亂與唯我獨尊的惡行!
從臺北看天下 . chinese language newspaper editorials . translated by bevin chu . no endorsement of the editorials should be inferred
Tuesday, August 12, 2014
Sunday, August 10, 2014
Even Officials Cannot Survive: Why is KMT Morale So Low?
Even Officials Cannot Survive: Why is KMT Morale So Low?
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 11, 2014
Summary: The KMT is currently holding a "History Exhibition Tour." But for the KMT, is history a burden or asset? Party members probably differ on the answer. The KMT is unable to consolidate its demands when it is in power. It merely reacts passively. Now it faces the prospect of losing power altogether. How then will the KMT deal with that situation? These questions can probably be answered only by those in the KMT leadership.
Full Text Below:
Following the gas explosion, the Kaohsiung City Government passed the buck to the central government. But eventually its lies were exposed, one by one. As a result, Deputy Mayor Wu Hong-mo and three bureau chiefs must step down. But lo and behold, just when public opinion was turning against the Kaohsiung City Government, Minister of Economic Affairs Chang Jia-chu announced his resignation, in response to green camp verbal abuse. This was the fifth resignation of a cabinet official over the past three months. One could say that in Ma administration, "Even officials are finding it hard to survive."
Former CCA Chairman Emile C. J. Sheng was forced to step down as a result of a firestorm over the musical production, "Dreamer." Sheng said that Chang Chia-chu was forced out because "When the green camp attacks Ma administration political appointees, the blue camp refuses to rally behind them." Former and current Ma administration cabinet officials know this all too well. From a single leaf one knows that autumn has arrived. "When greens attack, blues refuse to rally" is the reason Ma administration policy is blocked at every turn
Strictly speaking, there was nothing new about how the DPP dealt with Chang Chia-chu. The DPP's standard tactic is to ignore right and wrong. Whenever any emergency arises, the entire party marches to the same drummer, and blasts the KMT full force. First it shapes public opinion, making it impossible for its opponent to respond. By the time it has achieved momentum, it already has the upper hand. The Kaohsiung City Government clearly bears far greater responsibility for the gas explosion than the Ministry of Economic Affairs. Yet just when the truth was about to come out, the DPP's high-decibel attack and smoke screen abruptly shifted blame onto others and reversed the DPP's declining fortunes.
Even though the responsibile parties have largely been indentified, no one in the DPP, from top to bottom, has any intention of relenting. Kaohsiung Deputy Mayor Lee Yung-teh continues to denounce the central government as "evil." His wife, DPP Legislator Chiu Yi-ying, and former Kaohsiung Mayor Chen Chi-mai, blast Chang Chia-chu as "cold-blooded" and "inhuman" in the Legislative Yuan. Even after Chang Chia-chu announced his resignation, and the central government announced that it would underwrite reconstruction entirely, the DPP still refused to relent. It raised the ante and demanded the "resignation of the entire cabinet." Contrast this with the Kaohsiung City Government, which has lied and shirked responsibility all the way. The only officials who have resigned are a deputy mayor and three bureau chiefs. Chen Chu persists n standing behind them, and has expressed reluctance to accept their resignations. As far as the DPP and Chen Chu are concerned, their strategic goal has already been achieved.
The DPP doesn't have a leg to stand on, yet it has adopted a posture of unassailable self-righteousness. By contrast, the KMT, from top to bottom, has responded feebly to the DPP's "air land battle doctrine." The sole exceptions have been KMT Legislator Huang Chao-shun and KMT City Councilman Lin Kuo-cheng, who lashed back individually. Most elected representatives did nothing but sit on the sidelines and watch. The KMT should have assumed total responsiblity and opposed the Kaohsiung City government. Instead the Minister of Economic Affairs and one or two blue camp elected representatives found themselves pitted against the full force of the entire DPP. As these examples show, KMT legislators attack each other more often than they attack their common enemy. The current blue camp consent vote is an even bloodier example. Most blue camp officials are watching from the sidelines. They refuse to stand up for Chang Chia-chu. He should count himself lucky they haven't stabbed him in the back.
The KMT is undisciplined, defeatist, and falling apart, as we will see from the following points. One. Following the second change in ruling parties, President Ma persisted in "hiring from within." When forming a government, the proportion of academics, technocrats, elected leaders, and elected representatives must be balanced. If it is, one can govern effectively. One can respond with sensitivity to the needs of society. Unfortunately, the Ma administration puts undue emphasis on academics and bureaucrats. Such officials have limited connections to political parties. They lack cohesion and the ability to resist pressure. If elected leaders and elected representatives cannot join the administration, if the party and the government cannot make use of their talent, it they cannot support each other, this often results in policy out of touch with public opinion.
Two. The ruling and opposition parties control all consultation in the legislature. The power rests in the hands of Wang Jin-pyng and a handful of others. The KMT may have an absolute majority. But the relations between Ma and Wang are poor. Ma Ying-jeou and legislators are alienated from each other. Blue camp legislators lack unity. They remain intractable. They lack any desire to fight for the party. Everyone prefers to engage in obstructionism and wheel-spinning, instead of reviewing legislation. They seek only to protect themselves. Calls for "unity" are utterly futile.
Three. The most critical factor, is that since the KMT's return to power, it has failed to re-establish cohesion within the party. The KMT glibly speaks of "founding the century old Republic of China." But during political debates it is not even willing to defend the constitution. During the DPP's eight years in office, it successfully created a "de-Sinicization" mindset. But in the face of such ideological struggles the KMT, from top to bottom, has been utterly helpless. Some even lean towards this way of thinking. Given its loss of guiding principles, how can the KMT possibly unite the party?
The KMT is currently holding a "History Exhibition Tour." But for the KMT, is history a burden or asset? Party members probably differ on the answer. The KMT is unable to consolidate its demands when it is in power. It merely reacts passively. Now it faces the prospect of losing power altogether. How then will the KMT deal with that situation? These questions can probably be answered only by those in the KMT leadership.
官不聊生:國民黨士氣為何如此低落?
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.08.11 03:17 am
氣爆案發生後,高雄市府一直把責任推給中央,最後在謊言一一被戳破後,由副市長吳宏謀領銜三位局長下台。但令人意外的是,在輿論砲火轉向高雄市政府之際,經濟部長張家祝竟因不堪綠委辱罵,自行宣布辭職。近三個月以來,這已是第五位請辭的內閣閣員;若以「官不聊生」來形容馬政府目前的處境,可說再貼切不過。
對此,曾因「夢想家」音樂劇之爭被迫下台的前文建會主委盛治仁有感而發地說,張家祝請辭,是因為馬政府的政務官總是被「綠的羞辱,藍的不挺」。此一描述,曾經或目前仍任職馬政府的閣員們,應該都感同身受。一葉知秋,「綠羞辱,藍不挺」,正是馬政府施政處處受阻的癥結。
嚴格而論,民進黨上下對付張家祝的手法,其實並不新鮮。民進黨一向的戰術,就是不問是非對錯,一有事,全黨先統一口徑對準國民黨猛轟一場,先運用攻擊策略塑造輿論走向,逼得對手來不及出手反應,聲勢上即先取得上風。今天看來,高雄市政府在氣爆事件中應負的責任,絕對是遠大於經濟部;但在真相未明之際,民進黨的高分貝批評煙硝,很快達到了「災禍轉嫁」的效果,逆轉了頹勢。
儘管責任分際已泰半釐清,民進黨上下仍無收手的打算。高雄市副市長李永得繼續批評中央政府「邪惡」,其妻立委邱議瑩和曾代理高雄市長的陳其邁,厲聲在立法院斥責張家祝「冷血」、「還是人嗎」。更有甚者,在張家祝掛冠求去、中央宣布幾全額支應重建經費後,民進黨仍不罷休,並拉高層級要求「內閣總辭」。相對於此,一路說謊、卸責的高雄市府,卻僅一名副市長、三名局長請辭,陳菊甚且還在力挺,大表不捨。至此,對民進黨和陳菊而言,戰略目的已經達成。
相對於民進黨的「理不直,氣很壯」,國民黨上下對於民進黨這種撲天蓋地式的攻擊,回應卻顯得軟弱無力。除了立委黃昭順、市議員林國正等少數民代獨力反擊,多數民代卻以事不關己的姿態冷眼旁觀。在這種情況下,本來是「完全執政的國民黨對抗犯錯的高雄市府」的局面,實際上,卻演成「經濟部長與一二藍軍對抗民進黨全黨」。從以往的事例看,更多見的情況是國民黨立委窩裡反,砲打自己人;日前監委同意權投票的慘狀,便是血跡斑斑。今天,藍軍只是「旁觀」、「不挺」張家祝,他的境遇恐已堪稱幸運。
國民黨的散漫、消極與分崩離析,可從下列幾點觀察。第一,二次政黨輪替後,馬總統的用人圈始終無法打開。政府的組建,若以學者、技術官僚、民選首長和民意代表的架構比例搭配,不難有效推動政務,並靈敏因應社會需求。遺憾的是,馬政府用人過度偏重學者及行政官僚,而這兩類官員與政黨的連結有限,抗壓性、向心力往往不足,遇上大場面便畏怯。相對的,民選首長和民代無法進入行政體系,使黨和政的人才庫無法流通,除無法發揮互為支援的作用,也往往導致政策與民意脫節。
其次,在朝野協商制度主導立法院一切議事運作的情況下,權力掌握在王金平等少數人手上。國民黨雖在席次上具有絕對優勢,但在馬王關係不睦、馬英九又對立委敬而遠之的情況下,藍委認同分崩離析,難以駕御。由於缺乏「為黨而戰」的意志,大家寧願在議事杯葛中消耗空轉,只求自保,所謂「團結」即如緣木求魚。
第三,最關鍵的因素,是國民黨重新執政後,未能重新建立凝聚黨內向心力的訴求。國民黨侈言是「創建中華民國的百年老店」,但在政治辯論中,卻連「捍衛憲法」都喊不出來。民進黨執政八年,成功建立「去中國化」的思維;但面對這樣的意識型態鬥爭,國民黨上下卻是束手無策,有些人甚至向此思維靠攏。失去中心思想,國民黨還能靠什麼來團結黨?
國民黨正在舉行「黨史巡迴展」,但對國民黨而言,「黨史」是包袱還是資產,恐怕黨內早就意見分歧。無法在執政時鞏固自己的訴求,這是消極怠惰;而面對可能丟掉政權的未來,國民黨又該如何自處?這個大哉問,恐怕是所有國民黨檯面人物必須慎思的問題。
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 11, 2014
Summary: The KMT is currently holding a "History Exhibition Tour." But for the KMT, is history a burden or asset? Party members probably differ on the answer. The KMT is unable to consolidate its demands when it is in power. It merely reacts passively. Now it faces the prospect of losing power altogether. How then will the KMT deal with that situation? These questions can probably be answered only by those in the KMT leadership.
Full Text Below:
Following the gas explosion, the Kaohsiung City Government passed the buck to the central government. But eventually its lies were exposed, one by one. As a result, Deputy Mayor Wu Hong-mo and three bureau chiefs must step down. But lo and behold, just when public opinion was turning against the Kaohsiung City Government, Minister of Economic Affairs Chang Jia-chu announced his resignation, in response to green camp verbal abuse. This was the fifth resignation of a cabinet official over the past three months. One could say that in Ma administration, "Even officials are finding it hard to survive."
Former CCA Chairman Emile C. J. Sheng was forced to step down as a result of a firestorm over the musical production, "Dreamer." Sheng said that Chang Chia-chu was forced out because "When the green camp attacks Ma administration political appointees, the blue camp refuses to rally behind them." Former and current Ma administration cabinet officials know this all too well. From a single leaf one knows that autumn has arrived. "When greens attack, blues refuse to rally" is the reason Ma administration policy is blocked at every turn
Strictly speaking, there was nothing new about how the DPP dealt with Chang Chia-chu. The DPP's standard tactic is to ignore right and wrong. Whenever any emergency arises, the entire party marches to the same drummer, and blasts the KMT full force. First it shapes public opinion, making it impossible for its opponent to respond. By the time it has achieved momentum, it already has the upper hand. The Kaohsiung City Government clearly bears far greater responsibility for the gas explosion than the Ministry of Economic Affairs. Yet just when the truth was about to come out, the DPP's high-decibel attack and smoke screen abruptly shifted blame onto others and reversed the DPP's declining fortunes.
Even though the responsibile parties have largely been indentified, no one in the DPP, from top to bottom, has any intention of relenting. Kaohsiung Deputy Mayor Lee Yung-teh continues to denounce the central government as "evil." His wife, DPP Legislator Chiu Yi-ying, and former Kaohsiung Mayor Chen Chi-mai, blast Chang Chia-chu as "cold-blooded" and "inhuman" in the Legislative Yuan. Even after Chang Chia-chu announced his resignation, and the central government announced that it would underwrite reconstruction entirely, the DPP still refused to relent. It raised the ante and demanded the "resignation of the entire cabinet." Contrast this with the Kaohsiung City Government, which has lied and shirked responsibility all the way. The only officials who have resigned are a deputy mayor and three bureau chiefs. Chen Chu persists n standing behind them, and has expressed reluctance to accept their resignations. As far as the DPP and Chen Chu are concerned, their strategic goal has already been achieved.
The DPP doesn't have a leg to stand on, yet it has adopted a posture of unassailable self-righteousness. By contrast, the KMT, from top to bottom, has responded feebly to the DPP's "air land battle doctrine." The sole exceptions have been KMT Legislator Huang Chao-shun and KMT City Councilman Lin Kuo-cheng, who lashed back individually. Most elected representatives did nothing but sit on the sidelines and watch. The KMT should have assumed total responsiblity and opposed the Kaohsiung City government. Instead the Minister of Economic Affairs and one or two blue camp elected representatives found themselves pitted against the full force of the entire DPP. As these examples show, KMT legislators attack each other more often than they attack their common enemy. The current blue camp consent vote is an even bloodier example. Most blue camp officials are watching from the sidelines. They refuse to stand up for Chang Chia-chu. He should count himself lucky they haven't stabbed him in the back.
The KMT is undisciplined, defeatist, and falling apart, as we will see from the following points. One. Following the second change in ruling parties, President Ma persisted in "hiring from within." When forming a government, the proportion of academics, technocrats, elected leaders, and elected representatives must be balanced. If it is, one can govern effectively. One can respond with sensitivity to the needs of society. Unfortunately, the Ma administration puts undue emphasis on academics and bureaucrats. Such officials have limited connections to political parties. They lack cohesion and the ability to resist pressure. If elected leaders and elected representatives cannot join the administration, if the party and the government cannot make use of their talent, it they cannot support each other, this often results in policy out of touch with public opinion.
Two. The ruling and opposition parties control all consultation in the legislature. The power rests in the hands of Wang Jin-pyng and a handful of others. The KMT may have an absolute majority. But the relations between Ma and Wang are poor. Ma Ying-jeou and legislators are alienated from each other. Blue camp legislators lack unity. They remain intractable. They lack any desire to fight for the party. Everyone prefers to engage in obstructionism and wheel-spinning, instead of reviewing legislation. They seek only to protect themselves. Calls for "unity" are utterly futile.
Three. The most critical factor, is that since the KMT's return to power, it has failed to re-establish cohesion within the party. The KMT glibly speaks of "founding the century old Republic of China." But during political debates it is not even willing to defend the constitution. During the DPP's eight years in office, it successfully created a "de-Sinicization" mindset. But in the face of such ideological struggles the KMT, from top to bottom, has been utterly helpless. Some even lean towards this way of thinking. Given its loss of guiding principles, how can the KMT possibly unite the party?
The KMT is currently holding a "History Exhibition Tour." But for the KMT, is history a burden or asset? Party members probably differ on the answer. The KMT is unable to consolidate its demands when it is in power. It merely reacts passively. Now it faces the prospect of losing power altogether. How then will the KMT deal with that situation? These questions can probably be answered only by those in the KMT leadership.
官不聊生:國民黨士氣為何如此低落?
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.08.11 03:17 am
氣爆案發生後,高雄市府一直把責任推給中央,最後在謊言一一被戳破後,由副市長吳宏謀領銜三位局長下台。但令人意外的是,在輿論砲火轉向高雄市政府之際,經濟部長張家祝竟因不堪綠委辱罵,自行宣布辭職。近三個月以來,這已是第五位請辭的內閣閣員;若以「官不聊生」來形容馬政府目前的處境,可說再貼切不過。
對此,曾因「夢想家」音樂劇之爭被迫下台的前文建會主委盛治仁有感而發地說,張家祝請辭,是因為馬政府的政務官總是被「綠的羞辱,藍的不挺」。此一描述,曾經或目前仍任職馬政府的閣員們,應該都感同身受。一葉知秋,「綠羞辱,藍不挺」,正是馬政府施政處處受阻的癥結。
嚴格而論,民進黨上下對付張家祝的手法,其實並不新鮮。民進黨一向的戰術,就是不問是非對錯,一有事,全黨先統一口徑對準國民黨猛轟一場,先運用攻擊策略塑造輿論走向,逼得對手來不及出手反應,聲勢上即先取得上風。今天看來,高雄市政府在氣爆事件中應負的責任,絕對是遠大於經濟部;但在真相未明之際,民進黨的高分貝批評煙硝,很快達到了「災禍轉嫁」的效果,逆轉了頹勢。
儘管責任分際已泰半釐清,民進黨上下仍無收手的打算。高雄市副市長李永得繼續批評中央政府「邪惡」,其妻立委邱議瑩和曾代理高雄市長的陳其邁,厲聲在立法院斥責張家祝「冷血」、「還是人嗎」。更有甚者,在張家祝掛冠求去、中央宣布幾全額支應重建經費後,民進黨仍不罷休,並拉高層級要求「內閣總辭」。相對於此,一路說謊、卸責的高雄市府,卻僅一名副市長、三名局長請辭,陳菊甚且還在力挺,大表不捨。至此,對民進黨和陳菊而言,戰略目的已經達成。
相對於民進黨的「理不直,氣很壯」,國民黨上下對於民進黨這種撲天蓋地式的攻擊,回應卻顯得軟弱無力。除了立委黃昭順、市議員林國正等少數民代獨力反擊,多數民代卻以事不關己的姿態冷眼旁觀。在這種情況下,本來是「完全執政的國民黨對抗犯錯的高雄市府」的局面,實際上,卻演成「經濟部長與一二藍軍對抗民進黨全黨」。從以往的事例看,更多見的情況是國民黨立委窩裡反,砲打自己人;日前監委同意權投票的慘狀,便是血跡斑斑。今天,藍軍只是「旁觀」、「不挺」張家祝,他的境遇恐已堪稱幸運。
國民黨的散漫、消極與分崩離析,可從下列幾點觀察。第一,二次政黨輪替後,馬總統的用人圈始終無法打開。政府的組建,若以學者、技術官僚、民選首長和民意代表的架構比例搭配,不難有效推動政務,並靈敏因應社會需求。遺憾的是,馬政府用人過度偏重學者及行政官僚,而這兩類官員與政黨的連結有限,抗壓性、向心力往往不足,遇上大場面便畏怯。相對的,民選首長和民代無法進入行政體系,使黨和政的人才庫無法流通,除無法發揮互為支援的作用,也往往導致政策與民意脫節。
其次,在朝野協商制度主導立法院一切議事運作的情況下,權力掌握在王金平等少數人手上。國民黨雖在席次上具有絕對優勢,但在馬王關係不睦、馬英九又對立委敬而遠之的情況下,藍委認同分崩離析,難以駕御。由於缺乏「為黨而戰」的意志,大家寧願在議事杯葛中消耗空轉,只求自保,所謂「團結」即如緣木求魚。
第三,最關鍵的因素,是國民黨重新執政後,未能重新建立凝聚黨內向心力的訴求。國民黨侈言是「創建中華民國的百年老店」,但在政治辯論中,卻連「捍衛憲法」都喊不出來。民進黨執政八年,成功建立「去中國化」的思維;但面對這樣的意識型態鬥爭,國民黨上下卻是束手無策,有些人甚至向此思維靠攏。失去中心思想,國民黨還能靠什麼來團結黨?
國民黨正在舉行「黨史巡迴展」,但對國民黨而言,「黨史」是包袱還是資產,恐怕黨內早就意見分歧。無法在執政時鞏固自己的訴求,這是消極怠惰;而面對可能丟掉政權的未來,國民黨又該如何自處?這個大哉問,恐怕是所有國民黨檯面人物必須慎思的問題。
Thursday, August 7, 2014
Taiwan and Mainland must Merge, KMT and CCP must Reconcile
Taiwan and Mainland must Merge, KMT and CCP must Reconcile
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 8, 2014
Summary: In 2005 the Lien-Hu summit broke the ice in cross-Strait relations. The opportunities for development it opened up for cross-Strait peace have endured until today. But we have now come to a turning point. We must now reflect, adjust, and regroup. The Want Want China Times Group "Want News" founder Tsai Yen-ming delivered a speech yesterday. He proposed a new way to reflect, adjust, and regroup vis a vis cross-Strait relations.
Full Text Below:
In 2005 the Lien-Hu summit broke the ice in cross-Strait relations. The opportunities for development it opened up for cross-Strait peace have endured until today. But we have now come to a turning point. We must now reflect, adjust, and regroup. The Want Want China Times Group "Want News" founder Tsai Yen-ming delivered a speech yesterday. He proposed a new way to reflect, adjust, and regroup vis a vis cross-Strait relations.
In recent years, cross-Strait relations have not always been smooth sailing. But we have continued to build consensus, seek breakthroughs, and forge ahead. We held the Lien-Hu summit. We reaffirmed the 1992 consensus. We implemented cross-Strait three links. We enabled a growing number of Mainland tourists to visit Taiwan. We signed cross-Strait agreements, including ECFA. We enabled representatives from both cross-Strait associations to visit each other. We declared a cross-Strait diplomatic truce. We enabled Taiwan to return to a number of international organizations. We even enabled the highest officials from Taiwan and the Mainland charged with cross-Strait affairs to meet. Each of these events was an historic breakthrough. Each of them consolidated cross-Strait peaceful development. Each of them benefitted people on both sides. Unfortunately an undercurrent of opposition to improved cross-Strait relations has long haunted us. Cross-Strait relations includes a number of complex Gordian knots. These have yet to be cut, often because of changes in Taiwan's internal politics. Blue vs. green confrontation has steadily escalated, multiplying our problems.
Since late last year, cross-Strait relations have stagnated. They have remained in limbo. One example is the STA, which remained stalled in the Legislative Yuan until March of this year. Sporadic political turbulence led to massive student protests. The student movement was driven by anxiety concerning the future among youths on Taiwan. It revealed hidden whirlpools and reefs that could hinder the peaceful development of cross-Strait relations.
STA review remains stalled. The Cross-Strait Agreement Oversight Bill remains in dispute. The MTA will not be approved in the foreseeable future. The Wang Zhang meeting ignited political turmoil. Cross-Strait relations have reached a stage where the three parties on the two sides, as well as the people in general must face the problems head on. The time to deal with deep-seated contradictions in cross-Strait relations is upon us.
Several deep-seated contradictions bedevil cross-strait relations. One. Cross-Strait relations have been developing peacefully. This has unquestionably enabled the public on Taiwan to benefit. But deep in their hearts, many on Taiwan still distrust and fear the Mainland. A five year long "Annual Survey of Cross-Strait Relations" conducted by the Wang News has released its latest findings. Full liberalization of cross-Strait tourism exchanges has been in effect for some time. Nevertheless a significant percentage of people on Taiwan have yet to meet a single Mainlander. Some people do not even want to interact with people from the other side. Under such circumstances, the two sides must address the historical grievances that remain in the hearts of some on Taiwan.
During the Japanese occupation of Taiwan independent thought was impossible. But beginning in 1949, Taiwan implemented nearly 40 years of anti-Communist, hate Communism public education. This led to a one-sided understanding of modern Chinese history, and ignorance and misconceptions regarding contemporary Chinese development. When Cold War confrontation ended, the Mainland moved toward reform and openess. When the KMT changed its anti-Communist policy, some people remained unaware that times had changed. They interpreted cross-Strait reconciliation as "the KMT and CCP colluding to sell out Taiwan." Such historical problems require more aggressive efforts before they can be overcome.
Many issues are involved. They include the two sides' development since the mid-19th century, the historical significance and merits of the 20th century Chinese revolution, the history and nature of the civil war, and the global significance of Mainland reform and opening. All of these require cross-Strait exchange, dialogue, and consensus. They require extensive discussions and consensus among those in the know on both sides of the Strait. They require public discussion to overcome the historical grievances buried deep inside some people on Taiwan. At the appropriate time, efforts by the major political parties on the two sides may lead to a political declaration, one that removes obstacles to future cross-Strait relations, and that "resolves long-standing cross-Strait confrontation." Only then can the two sides "break through the bottleneck, and establish a deeper level of mutual trust." Only then can Taiwan independence thinking be eliminated. This is the historical and social significance of Mr. Tsai Yen-ming's "KMT-CCP Declaration of Reconciliation" initiative.
Over the years, "Love for Taiwan" has become a PC slogan. It has become a slogan beloved of government and party officials alike. Populist demagogues determined to incite social tensions dress up their rhetoric with "Love for Taiwan." During blue vs. green political battles, "Love for Taiwan" is used to attack the other party. But what kind of political philosophy or policy advocacy truly expresses "Love for Taiwan?" That is almost never discussed.
The Sunflower Student Movement erupted. The STA was delayed. This underscores the seriousness of this political impasse. To reverse the situation, Mr. Tsai Yen-ming has solemnly appealed to the KMT, the DPP, and the CCP, the three major parties on both sides of the Strait. For the future of Taiwan, "They must speak clearly. They must speak plainly. They must provide the people of Taiwan with the knowledge and experience that will enable them to make the right decisions."
Three. The third deep-seated contradiction in cross-Strait relations concerns confusion over "Taiwan's future and the future of the two sides of the Strait. " Over the years, internal political dialogue and speculation on Taiwan has invariably invoked rigid "reunification" or "Taiwan independence" labels, making progress impossible, and social consensus difficult. To overcome this contradiction, we must abandon this dualistic "either reunification or Taiwan independence" mindset. We must seek out cross-Strait commonalities. We must envision a path of coexistence and shared prosperity. Based on this kind of thinking, Mr. Tsai Yen-ming has proposed that the "two sides each contribute what they do best, and merge into one." This is a flexibile and forward-looking perspective. In this context, it means close economic cooperation between the two sides to achieve specific programs.
The "deep-seated contradictions" in cross-Strait relations cannot be ignored. We must be more pragmatic and courageous. Only then can we face them and resolve them. This is the shared responsibility of everyone on Taiwan and everyone on the Mainland. We must work together for a greater purpose. Mr. Tsai Yen-ming has advanced this novel perspective in the hope of bettering cross-Strait relations.
社論-兩岸要融一、國共要和解
2014年08月08日 04:10
本報訊
兩岸關係從2005年連胡會破冰,開啟了兩岸和平發展契機到今天,可說到了一個轉折期,勢必得歷經一個省思、調整與再昂揚的過程。旺旺中時媒體集團《旺報》創辦人蔡衍明昨天發表演講,為兩岸關係的省思、調整與再昂揚提出新思路。
這幾年來,兩岸關係雖非一帆風順,卻也能不斷凝聚共識、不斷尋求突破、不斷奮勇前進。連胡會的進行,九二共識的再確立,兩岸三通的實現,大陸來台觀光客的不斷成長,包括ECFA在內兩岸各項協議的簽訂,兩會負責人的互訪,兩岸外交休兵的基本實現,台灣重返若干國際組織的功能性活動,以至於台灣與大陸負責兩岸事務最高官員的見面與互訪,每一個事件都堪稱「歷史性的突破」,不但鞏固了兩岸和平發展的趨勢,更大大有利於兩岸民眾。然而,抵制、反對兩岸關係發展的潛流始終存在,兩岸關係中許多複雜難解的結,始終未能鬆解,更往往由於台灣內部政治情勢的變化,藍綠對抗的反覆升高,使得問題治絲益棼。
從去年下半年開始,兩岸關係就顯露某種「停滯」、「徘徊」的跡象,其代表性事件就是《兩岸服貿協議》在立法院的延宕,到今年3月,竟因偶發性政治紛擾而引起了大規模學潮,學潮的起因固然是由於台灣青年世代對前途的焦慮感、不安全感,但確實也暴露了阻礙兩岸關係和平發展的漩渦與暗礁。
《兩岸服貿協議》審查的停擺,「兩岸協議監督條例」的爭執,「貨物貿易協議」的遙遙無期,加上王張會所觸發的一些政治風波,在在顯示兩岸關係走到了兩岸三黨以至於全民都必須面對、處理兩岸關係中「深層次矛盾」的關鍵時刻了。
所謂兩岸關係的「深層次矛盾」,大致有幾個面向。首先,兩岸關係和平發展的實現,確確實實讓台灣民眾得到了利益,但是埋藏於台灣民眾心中的若干「不信任感」、「恐懼感」並未能真正消除。依據《旺報》持續5年的「兩岸關係年度大調查」最新結果,兩岸全面開放觀光交流已經相當一段時間,但仍有相當大比例的台灣民眾沒有「大陸經驗」,仍有一定比例的民眾不願意參與或排斥兩岸之間的交流互動。面對這種情況,兩岸有必要切實面對部分台灣民眾內心深處某種「歷史情結」。
日據時代台灣並無台獨思想,但自1949年後,台灣進行了近40年的反共、仇共教育,造成民眾對中國近代史的片面理解,及對當代中國發展歷程的陌生無知與錯誤認識。當冷戰對立解凍,大陸走向改革開放,當國民黨改變反共國策,卻仍有一部分的民眾沒有認知到時代的變化,反而將兩岸和解進程視為「國共聯手賣台」。面對這種歷史遺留的問題,需要以更積極的努力來加以突破。
19世紀中葉以來兩岸發展的歷程,20世紀中國革命的歷史意義與功過,國共內戰歷史定位的再檢討,改革開放以來中國道路的世界性意義等等課題,都需要兩岸的有識之士交流對話,凝聚共識,並透過民間廣泛的討論與思辨,清理埋藏在台灣民眾內心深處的「歷史情結」,適當時機,透過兩岸主要政黨的努力,形成政治性的宣言,為未來兩岸關係的進一步發展掃除障礙,「化解兩岸多年來的對立」,兩岸之間也「才能突破瓶頸,建立更深一層互信」,台獨思想也才能消除。這是蔡衍明先生倡議「國共和解宣言」的歷史性、社會性的意義。
多少年來,「愛台灣」已成了政治正確的口號,政府、政黨以愛台灣來包裝政策和政治口號,政治人物操弄族群民粹也披著愛台灣的外衣,藍綠對抗、政黨惡鬥,更是拿「愛不愛台灣」來相互攻訐,散播口水。至於什麼樣的政治理念、政策主張才是「真道理性」、「真愛台灣」,幾乎沒有任何討論的空間與機會。
太陽花運動的爆發,《兩岸服貿協議》的延宕,正突顯了這種政治困局的嚴重性與複雜性。為了扭轉這種局面,蔡衍明先生鄭重呼籲國民黨、民進黨與共產黨這兩岸三大政黨,將他們對台灣前途的主張「說清楚、講明白,讓台灣人民有正確的認識和體會,台灣人民才能做出正確的選擇。」
兩岸關係深層次矛盾的第三個主要面向就是「台灣前途、兩岸前途」的迷茫不明。多少年來,台灣內部即使有所謂的政治討論與思辨,都始終僵固在「統一」、「獨立」等標籤與口號的層面,使得討論無法前進,社會難有共識。要克服這種矛盾,我們實在有必要拋棄這種「非統即獨」的二元對立思維,找到兩岸互利共生、共存共榮的願景與路徑。正是基於這樣的思考,蔡衍明先生也才提出了「兩岸各自貢獻彼此的優點,融合為一體」這樣一個靈活性與前瞻性的主張,以及在這樣的前提下,兩岸實現經濟緊密合作的具體方案。
兩岸關係的「深層次矛盾」,不容迴避,更需要務實而勇敢的面對與解決,這是全體台灣人、全體中國人必須共同承擔、共同推進的大事業,也是蔡衍明先生拋磚引玉提出兩岸關係新思路所企盼。
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 8, 2014
Summary: In 2005 the Lien-Hu summit broke the ice in cross-Strait relations. The opportunities for development it opened up for cross-Strait peace have endured until today. But we have now come to a turning point. We must now reflect, adjust, and regroup. The Want Want China Times Group "Want News" founder Tsai Yen-ming delivered a speech yesterday. He proposed a new way to reflect, adjust, and regroup vis a vis cross-Strait relations.
Full Text Below:
In 2005 the Lien-Hu summit broke the ice in cross-Strait relations. The opportunities for development it opened up for cross-Strait peace have endured until today. But we have now come to a turning point. We must now reflect, adjust, and regroup. The Want Want China Times Group "Want News" founder Tsai Yen-ming delivered a speech yesterday. He proposed a new way to reflect, adjust, and regroup vis a vis cross-Strait relations.
In recent years, cross-Strait relations have not always been smooth sailing. But we have continued to build consensus, seek breakthroughs, and forge ahead. We held the Lien-Hu summit. We reaffirmed the 1992 consensus. We implemented cross-Strait three links. We enabled a growing number of Mainland tourists to visit Taiwan. We signed cross-Strait agreements, including ECFA. We enabled representatives from both cross-Strait associations to visit each other. We declared a cross-Strait diplomatic truce. We enabled Taiwan to return to a number of international organizations. We even enabled the highest officials from Taiwan and the Mainland charged with cross-Strait affairs to meet. Each of these events was an historic breakthrough. Each of them consolidated cross-Strait peaceful development. Each of them benefitted people on both sides. Unfortunately an undercurrent of opposition to improved cross-Strait relations has long haunted us. Cross-Strait relations includes a number of complex Gordian knots. These have yet to be cut, often because of changes in Taiwan's internal politics. Blue vs. green confrontation has steadily escalated, multiplying our problems.
Since late last year, cross-Strait relations have stagnated. They have remained in limbo. One example is the STA, which remained stalled in the Legislative Yuan until March of this year. Sporadic political turbulence led to massive student protests. The student movement was driven by anxiety concerning the future among youths on Taiwan. It revealed hidden whirlpools and reefs that could hinder the peaceful development of cross-Strait relations.
STA review remains stalled. The Cross-Strait Agreement Oversight Bill remains in dispute. The MTA will not be approved in the foreseeable future. The Wang Zhang meeting ignited political turmoil. Cross-Strait relations have reached a stage where the three parties on the two sides, as well as the people in general must face the problems head on. The time to deal with deep-seated contradictions in cross-Strait relations is upon us.
Several deep-seated contradictions bedevil cross-strait relations. One. Cross-Strait relations have been developing peacefully. This has unquestionably enabled the public on Taiwan to benefit. But deep in their hearts, many on Taiwan still distrust and fear the Mainland. A five year long "Annual Survey of Cross-Strait Relations" conducted by the Wang News has released its latest findings. Full liberalization of cross-Strait tourism exchanges has been in effect for some time. Nevertheless a significant percentage of people on Taiwan have yet to meet a single Mainlander. Some people do not even want to interact with people from the other side. Under such circumstances, the two sides must address the historical grievances that remain in the hearts of some on Taiwan.
During the Japanese occupation of Taiwan independent thought was impossible. But beginning in 1949, Taiwan implemented nearly 40 years of anti-Communist, hate Communism public education. This led to a one-sided understanding of modern Chinese history, and ignorance and misconceptions regarding contemporary Chinese development. When Cold War confrontation ended, the Mainland moved toward reform and openess. When the KMT changed its anti-Communist policy, some people remained unaware that times had changed. They interpreted cross-Strait reconciliation as "the KMT and CCP colluding to sell out Taiwan." Such historical problems require more aggressive efforts before they can be overcome.
Many issues are involved. They include the two sides' development since the mid-19th century, the historical significance and merits of the 20th century Chinese revolution, the history and nature of the civil war, and the global significance of Mainland reform and opening. All of these require cross-Strait exchange, dialogue, and consensus. They require extensive discussions and consensus among those in the know on both sides of the Strait. They require public discussion to overcome the historical grievances buried deep inside some people on Taiwan. At the appropriate time, efforts by the major political parties on the two sides may lead to a political declaration, one that removes obstacles to future cross-Strait relations, and that "resolves long-standing cross-Strait confrontation." Only then can the two sides "break through the bottleneck, and establish a deeper level of mutual trust." Only then can Taiwan independence thinking be eliminated. This is the historical and social significance of Mr. Tsai Yen-ming's "KMT-CCP Declaration of Reconciliation" initiative.
Over the years, "Love for Taiwan" has become a PC slogan. It has become a slogan beloved of government and party officials alike. Populist demagogues determined to incite social tensions dress up their rhetoric with "Love for Taiwan." During blue vs. green political battles, "Love for Taiwan" is used to attack the other party. But what kind of political philosophy or policy advocacy truly expresses "Love for Taiwan?" That is almost never discussed.
The Sunflower Student Movement erupted. The STA was delayed. This underscores the seriousness of this political impasse. To reverse the situation, Mr. Tsai Yen-ming has solemnly appealed to the KMT, the DPP, and the CCP, the three major parties on both sides of the Strait. For the future of Taiwan, "They must speak clearly. They must speak plainly. They must provide the people of Taiwan with the knowledge and experience that will enable them to make the right decisions."
Three. The third deep-seated contradiction in cross-Strait relations concerns confusion over "Taiwan's future and the future of the two sides of the Strait. " Over the years, internal political dialogue and speculation on Taiwan has invariably invoked rigid "reunification" or "Taiwan independence" labels, making progress impossible, and social consensus difficult. To overcome this contradiction, we must abandon this dualistic "either reunification or Taiwan independence" mindset. We must seek out cross-Strait commonalities. We must envision a path of coexistence and shared prosperity. Based on this kind of thinking, Mr. Tsai Yen-ming has proposed that the "two sides each contribute what they do best, and merge into one." This is a flexibile and forward-looking perspective. In this context, it means close economic cooperation between the two sides to achieve specific programs.
The "deep-seated contradictions" in cross-Strait relations cannot be ignored. We must be more pragmatic and courageous. Only then can we face them and resolve them. This is the shared responsibility of everyone on Taiwan and everyone on the Mainland. We must work together for a greater purpose. Mr. Tsai Yen-ming has advanced this novel perspective in the hope of bettering cross-Strait relations.
社論-兩岸要融一、國共要和解
2014年08月08日 04:10
本報訊
兩岸關係從2005年連胡會破冰,開啟了兩岸和平發展契機到今天,可說到了一個轉折期,勢必得歷經一個省思、調整與再昂揚的過程。旺旺中時媒體集團《旺報》創辦人蔡衍明昨天發表演講,為兩岸關係的省思、調整與再昂揚提出新思路。
這幾年來,兩岸關係雖非一帆風順,卻也能不斷凝聚共識、不斷尋求突破、不斷奮勇前進。連胡會的進行,九二共識的再確立,兩岸三通的實現,大陸來台觀光客的不斷成長,包括ECFA在內兩岸各項協議的簽訂,兩會負責人的互訪,兩岸外交休兵的基本實現,台灣重返若干國際組織的功能性活動,以至於台灣與大陸負責兩岸事務最高官員的見面與互訪,每一個事件都堪稱「歷史性的突破」,不但鞏固了兩岸和平發展的趨勢,更大大有利於兩岸民眾。然而,抵制、反對兩岸關係發展的潛流始終存在,兩岸關係中許多複雜難解的結,始終未能鬆解,更往往由於台灣內部政治情勢的變化,藍綠對抗的反覆升高,使得問題治絲益棼。
從去年下半年開始,兩岸關係就顯露某種「停滯」、「徘徊」的跡象,其代表性事件就是《兩岸服貿協議》在立法院的延宕,到今年3月,竟因偶發性政治紛擾而引起了大規模學潮,學潮的起因固然是由於台灣青年世代對前途的焦慮感、不安全感,但確實也暴露了阻礙兩岸關係和平發展的漩渦與暗礁。
《兩岸服貿協議》審查的停擺,「兩岸協議監督條例」的爭執,「貨物貿易協議」的遙遙無期,加上王張會所觸發的一些政治風波,在在顯示兩岸關係走到了兩岸三黨以至於全民都必須面對、處理兩岸關係中「深層次矛盾」的關鍵時刻了。
所謂兩岸關係的「深層次矛盾」,大致有幾個面向。首先,兩岸關係和平發展的實現,確確實實讓台灣民眾得到了利益,但是埋藏於台灣民眾心中的若干「不信任感」、「恐懼感」並未能真正消除。依據《旺報》持續5年的「兩岸關係年度大調查」最新結果,兩岸全面開放觀光交流已經相當一段時間,但仍有相當大比例的台灣民眾沒有「大陸經驗」,仍有一定比例的民眾不願意參與或排斥兩岸之間的交流互動。面對這種情況,兩岸有必要切實面對部分台灣民眾內心深處某種「歷史情結」。
日據時代台灣並無台獨思想,但自1949年後,台灣進行了近40年的反共、仇共教育,造成民眾對中國近代史的片面理解,及對當代中國發展歷程的陌生無知與錯誤認識。當冷戰對立解凍,大陸走向改革開放,當國民黨改變反共國策,卻仍有一部分的民眾沒有認知到時代的變化,反而將兩岸和解進程視為「國共聯手賣台」。面對這種歷史遺留的問題,需要以更積極的努力來加以突破。
19世紀中葉以來兩岸發展的歷程,20世紀中國革命的歷史意義與功過,國共內戰歷史定位的再檢討,改革開放以來中國道路的世界性意義等等課題,都需要兩岸的有識之士交流對話,凝聚共識,並透過民間廣泛的討論與思辨,清理埋藏在台灣民眾內心深處的「歷史情結」,適當時機,透過兩岸主要政黨的努力,形成政治性的宣言,為未來兩岸關係的進一步發展掃除障礙,「化解兩岸多年來的對立」,兩岸之間也「才能突破瓶頸,建立更深一層互信」,台獨思想也才能消除。這是蔡衍明先生倡議「國共和解宣言」的歷史性、社會性的意義。
多少年來,「愛台灣」已成了政治正確的口號,政府、政黨以愛台灣來包裝政策和政治口號,政治人物操弄族群民粹也披著愛台灣的外衣,藍綠對抗、政黨惡鬥,更是拿「愛不愛台灣」來相互攻訐,散播口水。至於什麼樣的政治理念、政策主張才是「真道理性」、「真愛台灣」,幾乎沒有任何討論的空間與機會。
太陽花運動的爆發,《兩岸服貿協議》的延宕,正突顯了這種政治困局的嚴重性與複雜性。為了扭轉這種局面,蔡衍明先生鄭重呼籲國民黨、民進黨與共產黨這兩岸三大政黨,將他們對台灣前途的主張「說清楚、講明白,讓台灣人民有正確的認識和體會,台灣人民才能做出正確的選擇。」
兩岸關係深層次矛盾的第三個主要面向就是「台灣前途、兩岸前途」的迷茫不明。多少年來,台灣內部即使有所謂的政治討論與思辨,都始終僵固在「統一」、「獨立」等標籤與口號的層面,使得討論無法前進,社會難有共識。要克服這種矛盾,我們實在有必要拋棄這種「非統即獨」的二元對立思維,找到兩岸互利共生、共存共榮的願景與路徑。正是基於這樣的思考,蔡衍明先生也才提出了「兩岸各自貢獻彼此的優點,融合為一體」這樣一個靈活性與前瞻性的主張,以及在這樣的前提下,兩岸實現經濟緊密合作的具體方案。
兩岸關係的「深層次矛盾」,不容迴避,更需要務實而勇敢的面對與解決,這是全體台灣人、全體中國人必須共同承擔、共同推進的大事業,也是蔡衍明先生拋磚引玉提出兩岸關係新思路所企盼。
Tsai Ing-wen, Is DPP Obstinacy the Result of Ignorance, Deceit, or Cold-Bloodedness?
Tsai Ing-wen, Is DPP Obstinacy the Result of Ignorance, Deceit, or Cold-Bloodedness?
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 7, 2014
Summary: Taiwan, Mainland China, and South Korea are in competition. The street corner is now filled with propene gas. Before it explodes, no one realizes who is responsible. Once the explosion has occurred, everyone knows who made the hole in the pipeline. So the question for the DPP, and especially DPP Chairman Tsai Ing-wen is this: Is your obstinacy the result of ignorance, deceit, or cold-bloodedness?
Full Text Below:
The PRC-ROK FTA will be signed within the year. The clock is ticking. If the ROC fails to respond with an STA, economic disaster will follow. When an unknown gas seeps out of an underground culvert, and its stench fills the streets, failure to respond will inevitably result in catastrophe.
This Tuesday, the Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Committee met in Beijing. SEF Vice Chairman Chang Hsien-yao said that Taiwan's industrial sector is worried. The PRC and ROK have accelerated negotiations over their FTA. Any advantage the ROC would have derived from ECFA will be nullified. Since the STA is stuck in the Legislative Yuan, the two sides should continue negotiations on the MTA. ARATS vice president Zheng Lizhong said the Mainland is willing to allow Taiwan businesses on the Mainland "set up earlier in order to enjoy more advantages." But he also made clear that "The Mainland cannot halt its opening to the outside world just for Taiwan." These two spokespersons reveal the reason the Ma administration, and even Beijing, is worried.
Coincidentally, the day before Chang and Zheng spoke, a Wall Street Journal editorial commented on this very issue. It said that to mitigate the impact of the PRC-ROK FTA, the ROC should pass the STA and MTA, to avoid further isolation resulting from lowered trade barriers among neighboring countries. The editorial was entitled, "Taiwan Leaves Itself Behind."
The PRC and ROK are about to sign an FTA. If the FTA and MTA are not signed, the trade and economic losses for the ROC are readily calculable. The ITRI's latest report notes that once the PRC-ROK FTA goes into effect, increased reliance on Korean industry will result in a 650 billion NT decline in Taiwan's manufacturing output, over the next three to five years. This does not include the service industry. This does not include any future crisis in cross-Strait relations. This does not include the impact on Taiwan's eligibility for membership in the TPP and RCEP. This does not include the political marginalization caused by economic marginalization. It is no exaggeration to say that the entire structure is about to come tumbling down.
Unfortunately the DPP has decided to prevent passage of the "Cross-Strait Agreement Oversight Regulations," to prevent passage of the FTA, to prevent passge of the MTA, and to prevent passage of the FEPZ special regulations. DPP legislative caucus whip Hsiao Bi-khim said that consideration of such bills during the Kaohsiung gas explosion would be "too cold-blooded." But others have a different take. Taiwan is about to suffer an "economic and trade gas explosion" from ROC, PRC, ROK competition. They note that failure to accelerate passage of the necessary bills is "far more cold-blooded." We can expect the "economic and trade gas explosion" to be a thousand times more lethal than the gas explosion in Kaohsiung.
Invoking the Kaohsiung gas explosion as an excuse to halt consideration of proposed bills is a total non-sequitur. Before the gas explosion, the DPP obstructed the bill for over a year. The DPP opposes the bill for three reasons. One. Ignorance. Gains and losses from economic and trade policy are quantifiable. The aforementioned ITRI report cited a loss of 650 billion NT. Other public institutions have also issued quantitative analyses. Can the DPP make an informed rebuttal of these? Chairman Tsai Ing-wen should ask Lin Chuan to go online and take a look. Two. Deceit. The DPP knows it cannot rebut these numbers and the catastrophe they portend. Instead, they are engaging in pretense and using these bills as political bargaining chips. Their anti-China sentiment has led them to harm Taiwan and oppose Taiwan's best interests. Three. Cold-bloodedness. The DPP knows full well that irrational trouble-making will have catastrophic consequences for Taiwan's economy and trade. But it persists in pushing Taiwan toward that end. It is "cold-blooded," It is indifferent to whether Taiwan lives or dies The DPP is like the phony mother in the fable of King Solomon and the baby. The DPP is willing to cut the baby in half to prove it is the mother. If this is not "too cold-blooded," what is?
Current competition between Taiwan, the Mainland, and South Korea truly does add up to an explosive atmosphere moments before detonation. If manufacturers do not realize that the streets are filled with propene, that is ignorance. If they know they are, but insist "Those pipelines aren't mine!" then it is deceit. If they know the gas is about to explode, but deliberately make a hole in the pipeline and watch propene spill out everywhere, that is "too cold-blooded." By now the DPP cannot possibly still be unaware of the consequences. Yet it persists in political manipulation and self-deception. How is this any different than making a hole in the pipeline and watching as propene leaks all over the street? How is this any different from cold-blooded murderer?
The DPP has vowed to return to power. It claims to be the mother of that infant known as Taiwan. But a real mother's first priority is always to preserve the baby's life and health. What is the point of fighting over the baby if it gets cut in two? Globalization is here to stay. Even Zheng Lizhong knows that "The Mainland cannot halt its liberalization to the outside world just for Taiwan." Does the DPP truly intend to let itself be hijacked by the Sunflower Student Movement? Does it truly intend to cease coopetition with Mainland China and South Korea? Does it truly intend to cease liberalization, globalization, and integration? Does it truly not understand that such cold-blooded policies harm Taiwan and are anti-Taiwan?
Taiwan, Mainland China, and South Korea are in competition. The street corner is now filled with propene gas. Before it explodes, no one realizes who is responsible. Once the explosion has occurred, everyone knows who made the hole in the pipeline. So the question for the DPP, and especially DPP Chairman Tsai Ing-wen is this: Is your obstinacy the result of ignorance, deceit, or cold-bloodedness?
請問蔡英文:這是無知、欺騙或冷血?
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.08.07 02:28 am
中韓將在年內簽訂FTA,此刻彷彿已經聽得到滴答倒數計時;倘若台灣不能以兩岸服貿及貨貿協議因應,勢將引爆一場非常慘重的經濟災難。此猶如已經聞得到地下箱涵溢洩的不明氣體瀰漫整個街道,倘若因應失當,必生巨災慘禍。
本周二,兩岸經濟合作委員會在北京舉行。海基會副董事長張顯耀說,台灣產業界擔心,中韓加速協商FTA,台灣原在ECFA簽署後的超前優勢將被逆轉;因而,在服貿協議卡在立院時,兩岸仍應續商貨貿協議。海協會副會長鄭立中則說,大陸願意讓台灣業者在大陸「早一步布局,多一些優勢」,「但不會因為台灣而停止大陸對外開放的腳步」。由二人的發言可見,不但馬政府為情勢憂心,北京也為台灣操心。
巧合的是,就在張鄭發言的前一天,《華爾街日報》社論指出,為減輕中韓FTA的影響,台灣應通過兩岸服貿及貨貿協議,以免在周邊國家降低貿易障礙之際更加孤立。這篇社論的標題是:「台灣讓自己落後」。
中韓即將簽訂FTA之際,兩岸服貿及貨貿協議若簽不成,對台灣而言,其經貿損失其實是一個可以量化的知識。工研院的最新報告指出,中韓FTA生效後,隨著韓國產業對其深化利用的進度,在未來三至五年內,台灣製造業產值衰退的金額可達六千五百億元。這還未計入服務業,也未計入未來兩岸關係可能失控的危機,亦未計入對台灣加入TPP與RCEP的影響,更未計入經貿安全邊緣化帶動的政治安全邊緣化。若將此喻稱為危如累卵的情勢,應非過當。
但是,民進黨卻焦土杯葛《兩岸協議監督條例》,因而卡住了《服貿協議》,又卡住了《貨貿協議》,再阻擾《自由經濟示範區特別條例》……。民進黨立院黨鞭蕭美琴說,高雄氣爆,此時若審議這類法案,即是「太冷血了」;但相對意見則說,眼看著台灣即將因台、中、韓三方的條約競爭而發生「經貿大氣爆」,若再不加速審議這些救命法案,豈不更是「太冷血了」?可以預期,那場經貿大氣爆的後果,將千百倍慘重於高雄氣爆。
藉高雄氣爆來停議相關法案,根本不成理由。在氣爆發生前,民進黨已杯葛了一年多。民進黨的反對立場,可從三個層次來說。一、無知:經貿的損益皆是可以量化的知識,民進黨對前述工研院的六千五百億元報告,及其他公信機構所發布的量化分析,能否提出知識性的反駁?這些,蔡英文主席命林全上網看一看即可。二、欺騙:民進黨對這些量化知識所預測的災難性後果不能提出反駁,而只是自欺欺人地將這些法案當成政治籌碼來杯葛,以致將「反中」操弄成「害台」、「反台」。三、冷血:民進黨明知無理取鬧將導致台灣經貿發生災難性後果,卻執意要將台灣推向那個下場,其心態是一種不顧台灣生死的「冷血」。此時,民進黨正像那個在所羅門王前爭嬰兒的假母親,主張將嬰兒切成兩半來證明其假母親的地位,這是不是「太冷血了」?
眼前台、中、韓三方經貿條約的競爭關係,確實猶如「大氣爆」發生前的景象。若廠家不知丙烯已瀰漫街道,那是無知;若明知,卻說那不是我鋪的管線,則是欺騙;若明知會爆炸,卻故意在管線上挖個洞看著丙烯溢洩,那就是「太冷血了」。此時民進黨當然不是不知道後果的嚴重性,而是為了政治操作而自欺欺人,這與在管線上挖洞看著丙烯溢洩的冷血凶手有何兩樣?
民進黨矢言重返執政,因而是欲爭奪台灣之嬰的母親。然而,如果不先保全嬰兒的健康與生命,爭到被自己切成兩半的台灣之嬰又有何用?全球化是今世王道,連鄭立中都知道「不會因為台灣而停止大陸對外開放的腳步」,難道民進黨竟只因一場太陽花事件,就被挾持而決定停止台灣與大陸競合、與韓國競爭、及對外開放而融入全球化的腳步?這豈不是「害台/反台」的冷血政策?
面對台、中、韓三方條約競爭的此刻,猶如站在丙烯瀰漫的街口。未爆炸前,不知向誰究責;一旦發生驚天巨爆,則是誰在管線上挖洞,現在國人都正親眼目睹。請問民進黨,更要請問民進黨主席蔡英文:這究竟是無知、欺騙,還是冷血?
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 7, 2014
Summary: Taiwan, Mainland China, and South Korea are in competition. The street corner is now filled with propene gas. Before it explodes, no one realizes who is responsible. Once the explosion has occurred, everyone knows who made the hole in the pipeline. So the question for the DPP, and especially DPP Chairman Tsai Ing-wen is this: Is your obstinacy the result of ignorance, deceit, or cold-bloodedness?
Full Text Below:
The PRC-ROK FTA will be signed within the year. The clock is ticking. If the ROC fails to respond with an STA, economic disaster will follow. When an unknown gas seeps out of an underground culvert, and its stench fills the streets, failure to respond will inevitably result in catastrophe.
This Tuesday, the Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Committee met in Beijing. SEF Vice Chairman Chang Hsien-yao said that Taiwan's industrial sector is worried. The PRC and ROK have accelerated negotiations over their FTA. Any advantage the ROC would have derived from ECFA will be nullified. Since the STA is stuck in the Legislative Yuan, the two sides should continue negotiations on the MTA. ARATS vice president Zheng Lizhong said the Mainland is willing to allow Taiwan businesses on the Mainland "set up earlier in order to enjoy more advantages." But he also made clear that "The Mainland cannot halt its opening to the outside world just for Taiwan." These two spokespersons reveal the reason the Ma administration, and even Beijing, is worried.
Coincidentally, the day before Chang and Zheng spoke, a Wall Street Journal editorial commented on this very issue. It said that to mitigate the impact of the PRC-ROK FTA, the ROC should pass the STA and MTA, to avoid further isolation resulting from lowered trade barriers among neighboring countries. The editorial was entitled, "Taiwan Leaves Itself Behind."
The PRC and ROK are about to sign an FTA. If the FTA and MTA are not signed, the trade and economic losses for the ROC are readily calculable. The ITRI's latest report notes that once the PRC-ROK FTA goes into effect, increased reliance on Korean industry will result in a 650 billion NT decline in Taiwan's manufacturing output, over the next three to five years. This does not include the service industry. This does not include any future crisis in cross-Strait relations. This does not include the impact on Taiwan's eligibility for membership in the TPP and RCEP. This does not include the political marginalization caused by economic marginalization. It is no exaggeration to say that the entire structure is about to come tumbling down.
Unfortunately the DPP has decided to prevent passage of the "Cross-Strait Agreement Oversight Regulations," to prevent passage of the FTA, to prevent passge of the MTA, and to prevent passage of the FEPZ special regulations. DPP legislative caucus whip Hsiao Bi-khim said that consideration of such bills during the Kaohsiung gas explosion would be "too cold-blooded." But others have a different take. Taiwan is about to suffer an "economic and trade gas explosion" from ROC, PRC, ROK competition. They note that failure to accelerate passage of the necessary bills is "far more cold-blooded." We can expect the "economic and trade gas explosion" to be a thousand times more lethal than the gas explosion in Kaohsiung.
Invoking the Kaohsiung gas explosion as an excuse to halt consideration of proposed bills is a total non-sequitur. Before the gas explosion, the DPP obstructed the bill for over a year. The DPP opposes the bill for three reasons. One. Ignorance. Gains and losses from economic and trade policy are quantifiable. The aforementioned ITRI report cited a loss of 650 billion NT. Other public institutions have also issued quantitative analyses. Can the DPP make an informed rebuttal of these? Chairman Tsai Ing-wen should ask Lin Chuan to go online and take a look. Two. Deceit. The DPP knows it cannot rebut these numbers and the catastrophe they portend. Instead, they are engaging in pretense and using these bills as political bargaining chips. Their anti-China sentiment has led them to harm Taiwan and oppose Taiwan's best interests. Three. Cold-bloodedness. The DPP knows full well that irrational trouble-making will have catastrophic consequences for Taiwan's economy and trade. But it persists in pushing Taiwan toward that end. It is "cold-blooded," It is indifferent to whether Taiwan lives or dies The DPP is like the phony mother in the fable of King Solomon and the baby. The DPP is willing to cut the baby in half to prove it is the mother. If this is not "too cold-blooded," what is?
Current competition between Taiwan, the Mainland, and South Korea truly does add up to an explosive atmosphere moments before detonation. If manufacturers do not realize that the streets are filled with propene, that is ignorance. If they know they are, but insist "Those pipelines aren't mine!" then it is deceit. If they know the gas is about to explode, but deliberately make a hole in the pipeline and watch propene spill out everywhere, that is "too cold-blooded." By now the DPP cannot possibly still be unaware of the consequences. Yet it persists in political manipulation and self-deception. How is this any different than making a hole in the pipeline and watching as propene leaks all over the street? How is this any different from cold-blooded murderer?
The DPP has vowed to return to power. It claims to be the mother of that infant known as Taiwan. But a real mother's first priority is always to preserve the baby's life and health. What is the point of fighting over the baby if it gets cut in two? Globalization is here to stay. Even Zheng Lizhong knows that "The Mainland cannot halt its liberalization to the outside world just for Taiwan." Does the DPP truly intend to let itself be hijacked by the Sunflower Student Movement? Does it truly intend to cease coopetition with Mainland China and South Korea? Does it truly intend to cease liberalization, globalization, and integration? Does it truly not understand that such cold-blooded policies harm Taiwan and are anti-Taiwan?
Taiwan, Mainland China, and South Korea are in competition. The street corner is now filled with propene gas. Before it explodes, no one realizes who is responsible. Once the explosion has occurred, everyone knows who made the hole in the pipeline. So the question for the DPP, and especially DPP Chairman Tsai Ing-wen is this: Is your obstinacy the result of ignorance, deceit, or cold-bloodedness?
請問蔡英文:這是無知、欺騙或冷血?
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.08.07 02:28 am
中韓將在年內簽訂FTA,此刻彷彿已經聽得到滴答倒數計時;倘若台灣不能以兩岸服貿及貨貿協議因應,勢將引爆一場非常慘重的經濟災難。此猶如已經聞得到地下箱涵溢洩的不明氣體瀰漫整個街道,倘若因應失當,必生巨災慘禍。
本周二,兩岸經濟合作委員會在北京舉行。海基會副董事長張顯耀說,台灣產業界擔心,中韓加速協商FTA,台灣原在ECFA簽署後的超前優勢將被逆轉;因而,在服貿協議卡在立院時,兩岸仍應續商貨貿協議。海協會副會長鄭立中則說,大陸願意讓台灣業者在大陸「早一步布局,多一些優勢」,「但不會因為台灣而停止大陸對外開放的腳步」。由二人的發言可見,不但馬政府為情勢憂心,北京也為台灣操心。
巧合的是,就在張鄭發言的前一天,《華爾街日報》社論指出,為減輕中韓FTA的影響,台灣應通過兩岸服貿及貨貿協議,以免在周邊國家降低貿易障礙之際更加孤立。這篇社論的標題是:「台灣讓自己落後」。
中韓即將簽訂FTA之際,兩岸服貿及貨貿協議若簽不成,對台灣而言,其經貿損失其實是一個可以量化的知識。工研院的最新報告指出,中韓FTA生效後,隨著韓國產業對其深化利用的進度,在未來三至五年內,台灣製造業產值衰退的金額可達六千五百億元。這還未計入服務業,也未計入未來兩岸關係可能失控的危機,亦未計入對台灣加入TPP與RCEP的影響,更未計入經貿安全邊緣化帶動的政治安全邊緣化。若將此喻稱為危如累卵的情勢,應非過當。
但是,民進黨卻焦土杯葛《兩岸協議監督條例》,因而卡住了《服貿協議》,又卡住了《貨貿協議》,再阻擾《自由經濟示範區特別條例》……。民進黨立院黨鞭蕭美琴說,高雄氣爆,此時若審議這類法案,即是「太冷血了」;但相對意見則說,眼看著台灣即將因台、中、韓三方的條約競爭而發生「經貿大氣爆」,若再不加速審議這些救命法案,豈不更是「太冷血了」?可以預期,那場經貿大氣爆的後果,將千百倍慘重於高雄氣爆。
藉高雄氣爆來停議相關法案,根本不成理由。在氣爆發生前,民進黨已杯葛了一年多。民進黨的反對立場,可從三個層次來說。一、無知:經貿的損益皆是可以量化的知識,民進黨對前述工研院的六千五百億元報告,及其他公信機構所發布的量化分析,能否提出知識性的反駁?這些,蔡英文主席命林全上網看一看即可。二、欺騙:民進黨對這些量化知識所預測的災難性後果不能提出反駁,而只是自欺欺人地將這些法案當成政治籌碼來杯葛,以致將「反中」操弄成「害台」、「反台」。三、冷血:民進黨明知無理取鬧將導致台灣經貿發生災難性後果,卻執意要將台灣推向那個下場,其心態是一種不顧台灣生死的「冷血」。此時,民進黨正像那個在所羅門王前爭嬰兒的假母親,主張將嬰兒切成兩半來證明其假母親的地位,這是不是「太冷血了」?
眼前台、中、韓三方經貿條約的競爭關係,確實猶如「大氣爆」發生前的景象。若廠家不知丙烯已瀰漫街道,那是無知;若明知,卻說那不是我鋪的管線,則是欺騙;若明知會爆炸,卻故意在管線上挖個洞看著丙烯溢洩,那就是「太冷血了」。此時民進黨當然不是不知道後果的嚴重性,而是為了政治操作而自欺欺人,這與在管線上挖洞看著丙烯溢洩的冷血凶手有何兩樣?
民進黨矢言重返執政,因而是欲爭奪台灣之嬰的母親。然而,如果不先保全嬰兒的健康與生命,爭到被自己切成兩半的台灣之嬰又有何用?全球化是今世王道,連鄭立中都知道「不會因為台灣而停止大陸對外開放的腳步」,難道民進黨竟只因一場太陽花事件,就被挾持而決定停止台灣與大陸競合、與韓國競爭、及對外開放而融入全球化的腳步?這豈不是「害台/反台」的冷血政策?
面對台、中、韓三方條約競爭的此刻,猶如站在丙烯瀰漫的街口。未爆炸前,不知向誰究責;一旦發生驚天巨爆,則是誰在管線上挖洞,現在國人都正親眼目睹。請問民進黨,更要請問民進黨主席蔡英文:這究竟是無知、欺騙,還是冷血?
Tuesday, August 5, 2014
Beauty of Compassion Underscores Ugliness of Politicians
Beauty of Compassion Underscores Ugliness of Politicians
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 6, 2014
Summary: Blue and green camp supporters caught up in partisan political struggles are competing to demonize each other. Society is permeated with negativism. People are gradually losing confidence in the nation's future. A major gas explosion in Kaohsiung has yet again highlighted the government's slapdash public safety measures, the politicians' evasion of responsibility, and the media's biased reporting. Fortunately we are also witnessing the humane side of Taiwan society. This has not vanished as a result of political battles and social divisions. The "big bang" occurred less than a week ago. Since then people from all walks of life have donated nearly 10 billion NT to disaster relief. Large numbers of volunteers and large quantities of relief materiel have already reached the disaster site. Every corner of society continues to offer prayers and condolences to Kaohsiung.
Full Text Below:
Blue and green camp supporters caught up in partisan political struggles are competing to demonize each other. Society is permeated with negativism. People are gradually losing confidence in the nation's future. A major gas explosion in Kaohsiung has yet again highlighted the government's slapdash public safety measures, the politicians' evasion of responsibility, and the media's biased reporting. Fortunately we are also witnessing the humane side of Taiwan society. This has not vanished as a result of political battles and social divisions. The "big bang" occurred less than a week ago. Since then people from all walks of life have donated nearly 10 billion NT to disaster relief. Large numbers of volunteers and large quantities of relief materiel have already reached the disaster site. Every corner of society continues to offer prayers and condolences to Kaohsiung.
We are pleased to see senior members of the ruling and opposition parties dedicate themselves to disaster relief. They have not reenacted past dramas when they "sprinkled salt in the wound." That said, over the past few day a few politicians and pundits have descended to mud-slinging. One can only shake one's head at their contemptible behavior.
The exact cause of the disaster has yet to be determined. But some facts are simple and clear. For example, between the discovery of the underground pipeline leak and the explosion, a "missing three hours" demands explanation. Government inaction eventually led to disaster. This much is abundantly clear. Yet no one in the Kaohsiung City Government has stepped forward to assume any responsibility. All they have done is pass buck and shirk responsibility. Worse yet, instead of expressing grief and concern for the victims, some politicians are seizing the opportunity to demagogue the issue for blue or green political advantage. They are saying that the disaster was the result of past "favor the north, neglect the south" attitudes. Some media organizations zeroed in on the Second Lady's high heeled shoes, or how Sean Lien donated "only" 100,000 NT. Large numbers of netizens have engaged in name calling, as if everything must be a matter of blue vs. green. They just weren't happy if they couldn't link the disaster to the election.
To tell the truth, nobody wants a disaster like this to happen. The cause of the disaster may be difficult to determine. The gas explosion in Kaohsiung was the result of a long string of oversights and misjudgements. Those who bear responsibility must not be allowed to escape blame. That includes those responsible for the patch that fell off and allowed liquefied propene to leak out. That includes CGTD on the delivery end, and LCY Chemical on the receiving end. Abnormalities have been found. Yet transmissions are going on. They have not informed government authorities. Even now, the two companies are still shirking responsibility.
It is still unclear why the Kaohsiung City Government rashly assumed it was merely a natural gas leak. They should have sprayed foam. Instead they hurriedly sprayed water. As a result, the liquified propene, which is lighter than water, made its way underground. It combined with methane gas and ultimately led to unmanageable consequences. During those "missing three hours" the government could have identified the real cause, and sealed off the area to pedestrian and vehicular traffic. Instead it did nothing. Since then, it has actually attempted to blame the Ministry of Economic Affairs. This sort of logic is truly amazing.
Suppose this incident had occurred in Taipei, or even New Taipei City? Would green camp politicians and pundits be blaming the Ministry of Economic Affairs? Underground pipeline management has always been the responsibility of municipal governments. Local governments, not the Ministry of Economic Affairs, are responsible for pipeline excavations and approvals. Some of the pipeline was allegedly 30 years old. If so, which party was in power during most of those 30 years? During the years in which it was in charge of the underground pipeline, just what did it do? Even if one avoids this line of thinking, what about the Kaohsiung City EPA and Kaohsiung City Fire Department crisis management for liquefied propene leaks? Were they sufficiently professional and up to snuff? Could this tragedy have been averted beforehand?
Some persist in blaming "favor the north, neglect the south" attitudes. This is lower than low. Greater Kaohsiung has an international deep-water port. The central government has invested vast resources in the city. Over the past 20 years, central government grants have been abundant and generous. Green camp leaders are perfectly aware of this. Complaints about the surrounding agricultural counties are one thing. But Kaohsiung probably has the least justification for complaint of all.
Major disasters often reveal peoples' true faces. The 9/21 great earthquake and the Kaohsiung gas explosion have both revealed the underlying decency of the public on Taiwan, and their love for their fellow man. Kaohsiung disaster relief donations and support from all sectors has yet to let up, Major League baseball player Chen Wei-yin even inquired about the fate of his hometown during a winning game. This is part of what makes Taiwan beautiful.
Unfortunately, the true faces revealed by major disasters are sometimes ugly ones. Those who should have borne responsibility, devote all their political smarts into shirking responsibility, prevaricating, or turning the spotlight on others in order to whitewash their own culpability. Most insufferable of all, some persist in linking the tragedy to blue vs. green partisan politics for the sake of the upcoming election campaign. Other peoples' pain is turned into their political capital. Over the past two days this practice has escalated. Alas, this drama has been replayed so many times, many people have seen through it and are weary of it. .
Keep your eyes open. Let go of blue vs. green partisan politics. Taiwan still has much that is beautiful, waiting to be discovered. When confronting one's failings, have the courage to own up to them. One will not necessarily be booed. One may in fact be affirmed.
社論-美麗的人性映照政客的醜陋
2014年08月06日 04:10
本報訊
政黨惡鬥下,藍綠支持者競相醜化對方,社會充斥著負面的思維與氣氛,讓人們對國家前途漸失信心。一場高雄大氣爆,雖然再度凸顯了政府公安管理的輕率及政客推拖責任、媒體立場掛帥的惡質,但也見證了台灣社會的溫馨與人道關懷,並未因政黨惡鬥、社會分裂而消失。大爆炸發生至今不到一個星期,社會各界捐款已將近10億元,義工與救援物資大量送抵災變現場,社會各角落的祝禱與慰問也持續送往高雄。
我們很高興見到,朝野高層都全心投入救災,未再鬧出以往競相「在傷口撒鹽」的難看戲碼。話雖如此,這兩天若干政客與媒體名嘴的醜陋語言,還是令人搖頭甚至不齒!
雖然災變的確切原因還有待認定,但仍有一些非常簡單而明確的是非曲直,譬如從發現地下管線漏氣道發生大爆炸「消失的3小時」,政府無所作為終於釀成大禍,第一層次的責任歸屬非常清楚,但我們並沒有看到任何人表現出最起碼的擔當,有的只是推諉、只是卸責;更過分的是,在這個表達傷痛與關懷都來不及的時刻,居然還是有政客企圖見縫插針,操作藍綠,說什麼釀災是過往「重北輕南」的結果;更有媒體將所有注意力鎖定在副總統夫人的高跟鞋,連勝文怎麼可以只捐10萬的無聊話題,還大量引述網友的謾罵,彷彿任何事不扯上藍綠,不連到選舉,就覺得渾身不對勁!
講實在話,沒有人願意發生災變,但危機的到來原本就很難測知,這次高雄的氣爆,就是一連串的誤失、誤判所造成,該擔責的,誰都逃脫不了。管線補釘脫落造成液化丙烯外漏,不論是輸送端的華運還是接收端的李長榮,已經發現異常了卻還在持續輸送,而且竟不通報政府主管單位,這兩家公司即便到現在,都還在一路推卸。
至於高雄市府這邊,則是還未弄清楚緣由,就輕率判斷是瓦斯漏氣,該噴泡沫卻匆忙噴水降溫,造成比水輕的液化丙烯隨地下水流竄,與沼氣結合成瓦斯,終致造成不可收拾的後果。這中間其實有3個小時的空檔,可以查明就裡,可以拉封鎖線禁止人車通行,結果是一樁事都沒做。事發至今,竟是想怪罪到經濟部頭上,這種擔當邏輯,確實令人嘆為觀止!
試問如果這檔事是發生在北市,甚或是新北市,綠營政客與名嘴會允許其上綱到經濟部嗎?地下管線管理本來就是城市治理的一部分,至少負責管線開挖與埋設核可的,可是地方政府而不是經濟部。若說部分管線年齡長達30年,那麼也不妨回顧這30年當中,究竟是哪個政黨執政較久,而這其中地下管線的治理,究竟做了多少呢?就算不追究這一塊,高市府環保局、消防局對液化丙烯洩漏的危機處理,算不算專業?算不算及格呢?這場悲劇,事前是不是可以避免呢?
至於還有人硬要扯什麼「重北輕南」,就更等而下之了!大高雄擁有國際深水港,中央的資源挹注從來不少,近20年來中央政府補助更是豐沛,綠營領袖自己最心知肚明,如果是周邊農業縣做出此抱怨也就罷了,高雄恐怕最沒資格這樣抱怨。
重大災變往往能映照出人類的真貌,從921大地震到高雄驚天氣爆,都映照出台灣人的善良、愛心與人道關懷;高雄災變各界的捐輸與支援到現在還未停歇,遠在美國大聯盟打球的陳偉殷,在贏球之餘關心家鄉的災變,誰說這些不是台灣最美的一部分?
遺憾的是,重大災難往往也讓一些人的醜惡面目現形,原本該承擔責任的,卻將所有的政治智慧用在卸責、推諉上,用彰顯別人的過失來掩蓋自己的責任,更不堪的是,有人還將之上綱到藍綠,為即將到來的選舉造勢。這種消費他人傷痛的災難政治學,這兩天其實已經逐步登場了。問題是,這種戲碼也演過很多次了,許多人不僅早已看穿,也早就已經都厭煩了。
睜大雙眼,放下藍綠,台灣還是有許多美麗的風景,等著我們去發掘!面對缺失,勇於承擔,換得不一定是噓聲,反而是更多的肯定。
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 6, 2014
Summary: Blue and green camp supporters caught up in partisan political struggles are competing to demonize each other. Society is permeated with negativism. People are gradually losing confidence in the nation's future. A major gas explosion in Kaohsiung has yet again highlighted the government's slapdash public safety measures, the politicians' evasion of responsibility, and the media's biased reporting. Fortunately we are also witnessing the humane side of Taiwan society. This has not vanished as a result of political battles and social divisions. The "big bang" occurred less than a week ago. Since then people from all walks of life have donated nearly 10 billion NT to disaster relief. Large numbers of volunteers and large quantities of relief materiel have already reached the disaster site. Every corner of society continues to offer prayers and condolences to Kaohsiung.
Full Text Below:
Blue and green camp supporters caught up in partisan political struggles are competing to demonize each other. Society is permeated with negativism. People are gradually losing confidence in the nation's future. A major gas explosion in Kaohsiung has yet again highlighted the government's slapdash public safety measures, the politicians' evasion of responsibility, and the media's biased reporting. Fortunately we are also witnessing the humane side of Taiwan society. This has not vanished as a result of political battles and social divisions. The "big bang" occurred less than a week ago. Since then people from all walks of life have donated nearly 10 billion NT to disaster relief. Large numbers of volunteers and large quantities of relief materiel have already reached the disaster site. Every corner of society continues to offer prayers and condolences to Kaohsiung.
We are pleased to see senior members of the ruling and opposition parties dedicate themselves to disaster relief. They have not reenacted past dramas when they "sprinkled salt in the wound." That said, over the past few day a few politicians and pundits have descended to mud-slinging. One can only shake one's head at their contemptible behavior.
The exact cause of the disaster has yet to be determined. But some facts are simple and clear. For example, between the discovery of the underground pipeline leak and the explosion, a "missing three hours" demands explanation. Government inaction eventually led to disaster. This much is abundantly clear. Yet no one in the Kaohsiung City Government has stepped forward to assume any responsibility. All they have done is pass buck and shirk responsibility. Worse yet, instead of expressing grief and concern for the victims, some politicians are seizing the opportunity to demagogue the issue for blue or green political advantage. They are saying that the disaster was the result of past "favor the north, neglect the south" attitudes. Some media organizations zeroed in on the Second Lady's high heeled shoes, or how Sean Lien donated "only" 100,000 NT. Large numbers of netizens have engaged in name calling, as if everything must be a matter of blue vs. green. They just weren't happy if they couldn't link the disaster to the election.
To tell the truth, nobody wants a disaster like this to happen. The cause of the disaster may be difficult to determine. The gas explosion in Kaohsiung was the result of a long string of oversights and misjudgements. Those who bear responsibility must not be allowed to escape blame. That includes those responsible for the patch that fell off and allowed liquefied propene to leak out. That includes CGTD on the delivery end, and LCY Chemical on the receiving end. Abnormalities have been found. Yet transmissions are going on. They have not informed government authorities. Even now, the two companies are still shirking responsibility.
It is still unclear why the Kaohsiung City Government rashly assumed it was merely a natural gas leak. They should have sprayed foam. Instead they hurriedly sprayed water. As a result, the liquified propene, which is lighter than water, made its way underground. It combined with methane gas and ultimately led to unmanageable consequences. During those "missing three hours" the government could have identified the real cause, and sealed off the area to pedestrian and vehicular traffic. Instead it did nothing. Since then, it has actually attempted to blame the Ministry of Economic Affairs. This sort of logic is truly amazing.
Suppose this incident had occurred in Taipei, or even New Taipei City? Would green camp politicians and pundits be blaming the Ministry of Economic Affairs? Underground pipeline management has always been the responsibility of municipal governments. Local governments, not the Ministry of Economic Affairs, are responsible for pipeline excavations and approvals. Some of the pipeline was allegedly 30 years old. If so, which party was in power during most of those 30 years? During the years in which it was in charge of the underground pipeline, just what did it do? Even if one avoids this line of thinking, what about the Kaohsiung City EPA and Kaohsiung City Fire Department crisis management for liquefied propene leaks? Were they sufficiently professional and up to snuff? Could this tragedy have been averted beforehand?
Some persist in blaming "favor the north, neglect the south" attitudes. This is lower than low. Greater Kaohsiung has an international deep-water port. The central government has invested vast resources in the city. Over the past 20 years, central government grants have been abundant and generous. Green camp leaders are perfectly aware of this. Complaints about the surrounding agricultural counties are one thing. But Kaohsiung probably has the least justification for complaint of all.
Major disasters often reveal peoples' true faces. The 9/21 great earthquake and the Kaohsiung gas explosion have both revealed the underlying decency of the public on Taiwan, and their love for their fellow man. Kaohsiung disaster relief donations and support from all sectors has yet to let up, Major League baseball player Chen Wei-yin even inquired about the fate of his hometown during a winning game. This is part of what makes Taiwan beautiful.
Unfortunately, the true faces revealed by major disasters are sometimes ugly ones. Those who should have borne responsibility, devote all their political smarts into shirking responsibility, prevaricating, or turning the spotlight on others in order to whitewash their own culpability. Most insufferable of all, some persist in linking the tragedy to blue vs. green partisan politics for the sake of the upcoming election campaign. Other peoples' pain is turned into their political capital. Over the past two days this practice has escalated. Alas, this drama has been replayed so many times, many people have seen through it and are weary of it. .
Keep your eyes open. Let go of blue vs. green partisan politics. Taiwan still has much that is beautiful, waiting to be discovered. When confronting one's failings, have the courage to own up to them. One will not necessarily be booed. One may in fact be affirmed.
社論-美麗的人性映照政客的醜陋
2014年08月06日 04:10
本報訊
政黨惡鬥下,藍綠支持者競相醜化對方,社會充斥著負面的思維與氣氛,讓人們對國家前途漸失信心。一場高雄大氣爆,雖然再度凸顯了政府公安管理的輕率及政客推拖責任、媒體立場掛帥的惡質,但也見證了台灣社會的溫馨與人道關懷,並未因政黨惡鬥、社會分裂而消失。大爆炸發生至今不到一個星期,社會各界捐款已將近10億元,義工與救援物資大量送抵災變現場,社會各角落的祝禱與慰問也持續送往高雄。
我們很高興見到,朝野高層都全心投入救災,未再鬧出以往競相「在傷口撒鹽」的難看戲碼。話雖如此,這兩天若干政客與媒體名嘴的醜陋語言,還是令人搖頭甚至不齒!
雖然災變的確切原因還有待認定,但仍有一些非常簡單而明確的是非曲直,譬如從發現地下管線漏氣道發生大爆炸「消失的3小時」,政府無所作為終於釀成大禍,第一層次的責任歸屬非常清楚,但我們並沒有看到任何人表現出最起碼的擔當,有的只是推諉、只是卸責;更過分的是,在這個表達傷痛與關懷都來不及的時刻,居然還是有政客企圖見縫插針,操作藍綠,說什麼釀災是過往「重北輕南」的結果;更有媒體將所有注意力鎖定在副總統夫人的高跟鞋,連勝文怎麼可以只捐10萬的無聊話題,還大量引述網友的謾罵,彷彿任何事不扯上藍綠,不連到選舉,就覺得渾身不對勁!
講實在話,沒有人願意發生災變,但危機的到來原本就很難測知,這次高雄的氣爆,就是一連串的誤失、誤判所造成,該擔責的,誰都逃脫不了。管線補釘脫落造成液化丙烯外漏,不論是輸送端的華運還是接收端的李長榮,已經發現異常了卻還在持續輸送,而且竟不通報政府主管單位,這兩家公司即便到現在,都還在一路推卸。
至於高雄市府這邊,則是還未弄清楚緣由,就輕率判斷是瓦斯漏氣,該噴泡沫卻匆忙噴水降溫,造成比水輕的液化丙烯隨地下水流竄,與沼氣結合成瓦斯,終致造成不可收拾的後果。這中間其實有3個小時的空檔,可以查明就裡,可以拉封鎖線禁止人車通行,結果是一樁事都沒做。事發至今,竟是想怪罪到經濟部頭上,這種擔當邏輯,確實令人嘆為觀止!
試問如果這檔事是發生在北市,甚或是新北市,綠營政客與名嘴會允許其上綱到經濟部嗎?地下管線管理本來就是城市治理的一部分,至少負責管線開挖與埋設核可的,可是地方政府而不是經濟部。若說部分管線年齡長達30年,那麼也不妨回顧這30年當中,究竟是哪個政黨執政較久,而這其中地下管線的治理,究竟做了多少呢?就算不追究這一塊,高市府環保局、消防局對液化丙烯洩漏的危機處理,算不算專業?算不算及格呢?這場悲劇,事前是不是可以避免呢?
至於還有人硬要扯什麼「重北輕南」,就更等而下之了!大高雄擁有國際深水港,中央的資源挹注從來不少,近20年來中央政府補助更是豐沛,綠營領袖自己最心知肚明,如果是周邊農業縣做出此抱怨也就罷了,高雄恐怕最沒資格這樣抱怨。
重大災變往往能映照出人類的真貌,從921大地震到高雄驚天氣爆,都映照出台灣人的善良、愛心與人道關懷;高雄災變各界的捐輸與支援到現在還未停歇,遠在美國大聯盟打球的陳偉殷,在贏球之餘關心家鄉的災變,誰說這些不是台灣最美的一部分?
遺憾的是,重大災難往往也讓一些人的醜惡面目現形,原本該承擔責任的,卻將所有的政治智慧用在卸責、推諉上,用彰顯別人的過失來掩蓋自己的責任,更不堪的是,有人還將之上綱到藍綠,為即將到來的選舉造勢。這種消費他人傷痛的災難政治學,這兩天其實已經逐步登場了。問題是,這種戲碼也演過很多次了,許多人不僅早已看穿,也早就已經都厭煩了。
睜大雙眼,放下藍綠,台灣還是有許多美麗的風景,等著我們去發掘!面對缺失,勇於承擔,換得不一定是噓聲,反而是更多的肯定。
Cold-Blooded Hypocrisy of Legislature More Regrettable than Kaohsiung Gas Explosion
Cold-Blooded Hypocrisy of Legislature More Regrettable than Kaohsiung Gas Explosion
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 5, 2014
Summary: Frankly, those responsible for causing the gas explosion in Kaohsiung have already surfaced. Future claims, investigations, and reconstruction, can be addressed without difficulty, one at a time. By contrast, legislative negligence, playing politics, and hypocrisy, have left Taiwan's economy and democracy in a shambles. The result has been a thousand times worse than the Kaohsiung gas explosion. This legislature is out of touch with public opinion. It is out of touch with the pulse of the nation. It is indeed "too cold-blooded."
Full Text Below:
The Legislative Yuan was supposed to review the FEPZ Bill yesterday. Instead it invoked the Kaohsiung gas explosion as a pretext for further foot-dragging. KMT Legislator Huang Chau-shun said, "Disaster relief must come first." DPP Legislator Cheng Lam-toi said, "If we don't halt our review now, then we are out of touch with public sentiment, and too cold-blooded!" Meanwhile, the PFP proposed swift consideration of "Kaohsiung gas explosion disaster recovery special regulations" and the approval of a suitable budget.
The Kaohsiung gas explosion disaster has inflicted nationwide pain. Beginning today, the national flag will be flown at half mast for three days. This is a disaster people must not forget. But disaster relief is disaster relief. Reconstruction is reconstruction. Other major national policy and general livelihood issues must still be dealt with, as usual. This is the only way a nation can maintain its equilibrium. Therefore the assertion that legislative routine would cold-bloodedly undermine disaster relief is ludicrous. If this were true, then Legislative Yuan should not review bills during a disaster. Then factories should shut down all over Taiwan. Then people should stop working and stop going to class. Then people should roll up their sleeves and head south to take part in disaster relief. Either that, or the entire nation should shut themselves in and do nothing but weep?
When advanced democracies experience such a tragedy, legislators merely hold a minute of silence before returning to doing what they are supposed to do. Each person guards his post, each person fulfills his duty. This is how an orderly nation remains on track. Within the affected areas in Kaohsiung, victims have been provided with accomodations and donated materiel. Support from the military and other counties and cities is already in place. All that remains is the determination of responsibility and reconstruction. Prosecutors are alreaddy investigating those responsible. Unless legislators want to seize the opportunity to engage in mud-slinging, they have no reason to meddle. Reconstruction will require local and central governments compiling a to-do list, clarifying divisions of responsibility in the public sector and the private sector, and preparing a redevelopment plan. At that point there may be something to discuss. For the moment, the Kaohsiung City Government is still clueless about what to do. If the Legislative Yuan discusses reconstruction or rehabilitation during the special session, then it is building castles in the sky.
In fact the legislature is probably the "hardest hit disaster area" in the nation today, even harder hit than the Kaohsiung gas explosion disaster area. One. The FEPZ bill, the FTA, the Cross-Strait Agreements Oversight Bill and other major economic bills remain stuck in the Legislative Yuan, which does nothing about them. Among these, the oversight bill was supposed to "first legislate, then review." Now it has come to, "not legislated, not reviewed." Therefore who knows when the STA will see the light of day. The Legislative Yuan is the "hardest hit disaster area" when the issue is national decision-making. That much is certainly true.
Two. The country has steadily grown. It relied on the tireless daily operation of a solid rule of law foundation and administrative infrastructure. The legislature's responsibility is the establishment of the rule of law. But our legislature simply loves to intervene on behalf of irrelevant short-term issues. It shifts with the winds, and shirks its duty. Consider the Kaohsiung propene disaster. First, the city government routinely neglects its underground pipelines. Secondly, when disaster strikes, it lacks professional disaster intelligence. As a result, the public is endangered. In recent years blue vs. green battles in the Legislative Yuan frequently led to forcible occupations of the podium. Their hypocrisy, indolence, and callousness, treats people like straw dogs and the affairs of the nation like children's games. Green camp caucus secretary general Tsai Chi-chang opposed a review of the FEPZ Bill. He said the KMT caucus wanted "to keep the common people in mind." But when has the DPP caucus ever kept the wishes of the common people in mind?
Three. The Kaohsiung gas explosion disaster is hard to bear. But compared to Taiwan's economy in recent years, with the attendant suffering and no solution in sight, what is worse? The gas explosion has already happened. We are now in the post-disaster investigation and reconstruction phase. But Taiwan's political and economic disaster is a crisis that continues to deepen with long delays and day after day of prevarication in the Legislative Yuan. The PRC-ROK FTA will be signed by the end of the year. This poses a major threat. Taiwan's industrial competitiveness is about to be washed away in a landslide. Yet ruling and opposition party legislators have gone so far as to assert that the Kaohsiung gas explosion must be given priority, and that they are in no hurry to hear the bill. Consider this superficial, short-sighted, cart before the horse mindset. How does it differ from the way LCY Chemical neglected its pipeline and concealed the leak? How does it differ from the way the Kaohsiung City Government deceived itself and others about the propene gas leak?
Kaohsiung reconstruction must have central government support and cooperation before it can be completed. That cannot be denied. But that hardly means that the affairs of state must all be shut down in the meantime, and all support thrown behind Kaohsiung. In fact, rescue work is being carried out with the help of the entire nation. People have expressed spontaneous enthusiasm. Under the circumstances, the legislature should be trying to rescue the "hardest hit disaster area" under its jurisdiction. It should clear the docket of delayed and neglected bills as soon as possible. The Kaohsiung gas explosion investigation and prosecution, should be left to judicial authorities and responsible agencies. We have not seen any legislators with any special knowledge in this area.
Frankly, those responsible for causing the gas explosion in Kaohsiung have already surfaced. Future claims, investigations, and reconstruction, can be addressed without difficulty, one at a time. By contrast, legislative negligence, playing politics, and hypocrisy, have left Taiwan's economy and democracy in a shambles. The result has been a thousand times worse than the Kaohsiung gas explosion. This legislature is out of touch with public opinion. It is out of touch with the pulse of the nation. It is indeed "too cold-blooded."
立法院的冷血虛偽,比高雄氣爆更可悲
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.08.05 03:36 am
立法院原訂昨日開審的《自由經濟示範區特別條例》,卻以「高雄氣爆」為由,再告延期。國民黨立委黃昭順說:「救災第一。」民進黨立委林岱樺說:「此時還不停審,就是與民意脫節,太冷血了!」親民黨則主張盡速研擬「高雄氣爆災變復原特別條例」並備妥預算。
高雄的氣爆災變,舉國傷痛,自今起連三日降半旗致哀,這是人民不可或忘的災難。但是,救災歸救災,重建歸重建,其他重大國政及一般民生仍應照常進行,這才是一個國家保持均衡運作之道。因此,若謂此時立法院照表運作,就會影響「救災第一」,就是「太冷血」,簡直是荒誕之談。如果這種論調成立的話,立院在災期中不應審議法案,全台工廠是否也應停工,人們停止上班上課,大家捲袖子南下救災,或者全民在家閉門垂淚?
若是在先進民主國家,遇上這種事,國會議員只要在會前集體默哀一分鐘,然後即回頭做自己該做的事。如此,各守崗位,各盡職責,才是一個制度化國家的運作常軌。以目前高雄災區的狀況,災民的安置和物資的捐輸皆已落實,國軍和外縣市的支援也已到位,所剩就是究責及重建的問題。究責方面,檢方已經著手調查,除非立委想要藉機打口水戰,否則只怕不是他們所能插手;至於重建,則有賴地方與中央整理出需求清單,釐清公部門和私部門的責任界線,並據以擬出重建計畫,然後才可能有討論的依據。目前高雄市府仍漫無頭緒,在立院臨時會要討論重建或復原,根本是空中樓閣。
事實上,相較於高雄氣爆的災情,立法院恐怕才是國家此時真正的「重災區」。這可從三方面檢視:第一、示範區條例、服貿協議、兩岸協議監督條例等重大經濟法案,皆卡在立院多時,立法院卻毫不作為。其中,《監督條例》原本說「先立法,再審查」,如今卻儼然演成「不立法,不審查」;如此,服貿協議更不知何年何月才能見到天日。立法院是國家決策怠惰的「重災區」,一點不假。
第二、國家的穩健成長,靠的是法制基礎建設的穩固及行政日常運作之不懈。國會的責任,是在建立法制;但我們的立法院卻偏愛插手各種與己無關的短期議題,掀風作浪,棄自己的職責於不顧。且看這次高雄丙烯釀災,一則是市府平日對地下管線疏於管理,二則是在救災時缺乏應有的專業智能,因而置市民於險境。對照立院近年在藍綠惡鬥中動輒杯葛霸台,其虛偽、怠惰和冷血,不也正是把百姓當芻狗、把治國當兒戲嗎?綠營黨團書記長蔡其昌在反對審查《示範區條例》時說,國民黨團要「以蒼生為念」;試問,民進黨團心中又何曾以蒼生為念?
第三、高雄的氣爆災難固令人不忍,但比起台灣經濟近年苦無出路的危機,兩相比較,究竟孰重孰輕?氣爆的不幸已經發生,而情勢已進入災後調查重建階段;但台灣的政經災情,在立法院日復一日的推諉、拖延之下,危機卻仍在加深。在中韓自貿協議年底前即將簽定的大限威脅下,台灣產業的競爭力正土崩石流地消逝;此時,朝野立委竟還敢說高雄氣爆才是優先事項,不急著審理法案。這種膚淺短視、顛倒本末的心態,跟李長榮化工放任管線年久失修並隱瞞外洩,以及市府用對付瓦斯的方式來處理丙烯外洩的自欺欺人心態,有何兩樣?
不可諱言,高雄的災後重建,必須要有中央的支持與配合才可能完成;然而,這並不是說所有的國家大事皆應停擺,只集中全力支援高雄。事實上,救援工作正以舉國之心力進行,民眾的自發參與熱情也毫不稍遜;在這種情況下,立法院要做的,應該是努力搶救自己轄內的「重災區」,盡速對國會延宕、怠忽、綁架的法案進行清理與審查,才是正道。至於高雄氣爆的調查與處理,應該交由司法單位及相關行政部門執行即可;至少,我們看不出立委有何特別高明的專業可以過問此事。
老實說,高雄的氣爆事件發展至今,相應的責任因果都已逐漸浮上枱面;日後的索賠、究責與重建,將不難一一循序完成。相形之下,立法院怠忽職守、玩弄政治、虛偽矯情留給台灣經濟和民主的災難,恐怕將千百倍於高雄氣爆。這樣的立法院,難道不是與民意脫節,與國家的命脈脫節,更難道不是「太冷血」了!
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 5, 2014
Summary: Frankly, those responsible for causing the gas explosion in Kaohsiung have already surfaced. Future claims, investigations, and reconstruction, can be addressed without difficulty, one at a time. By contrast, legislative negligence, playing politics, and hypocrisy, have left Taiwan's economy and democracy in a shambles. The result has been a thousand times worse than the Kaohsiung gas explosion. This legislature is out of touch with public opinion. It is out of touch with the pulse of the nation. It is indeed "too cold-blooded."
Full Text Below:
The Legislative Yuan was supposed to review the FEPZ Bill yesterday. Instead it invoked the Kaohsiung gas explosion as a pretext for further foot-dragging. KMT Legislator Huang Chau-shun said, "Disaster relief must come first." DPP Legislator Cheng Lam-toi said, "If we don't halt our review now, then we are out of touch with public sentiment, and too cold-blooded!" Meanwhile, the PFP proposed swift consideration of "Kaohsiung gas explosion disaster recovery special regulations" and the approval of a suitable budget.
The Kaohsiung gas explosion disaster has inflicted nationwide pain. Beginning today, the national flag will be flown at half mast for three days. This is a disaster people must not forget. But disaster relief is disaster relief. Reconstruction is reconstruction. Other major national policy and general livelihood issues must still be dealt with, as usual. This is the only way a nation can maintain its equilibrium. Therefore the assertion that legislative routine would cold-bloodedly undermine disaster relief is ludicrous. If this were true, then Legislative Yuan should not review bills during a disaster. Then factories should shut down all over Taiwan. Then people should stop working and stop going to class. Then people should roll up their sleeves and head south to take part in disaster relief. Either that, or the entire nation should shut themselves in and do nothing but weep?
When advanced democracies experience such a tragedy, legislators merely hold a minute of silence before returning to doing what they are supposed to do. Each person guards his post, each person fulfills his duty. This is how an orderly nation remains on track. Within the affected areas in Kaohsiung, victims have been provided with accomodations and donated materiel. Support from the military and other counties and cities is already in place. All that remains is the determination of responsibility and reconstruction. Prosecutors are alreaddy investigating those responsible. Unless legislators want to seize the opportunity to engage in mud-slinging, they have no reason to meddle. Reconstruction will require local and central governments compiling a to-do list, clarifying divisions of responsibility in the public sector and the private sector, and preparing a redevelopment plan. At that point there may be something to discuss. For the moment, the Kaohsiung City Government is still clueless about what to do. If the Legislative Yuan discusses reconstruction or rehabilitation during the special session, then it is building castles in the sky.
In fact the legislature is probably the "hardest hit disaster area" in the nation today, even harder hit than the Kaohsiung gas explosion disaster area. One. The FEPZ bill, the FTA, the Cross-Strait Agreements Oversight Bill and other major economic bills remain stuck in the Legislative Yuan, which does nothing about them. Among these, the oversight bill was supposed to "first legislate, then review." Now it has come to, "not legislated, not reviewed." Therefore who knows when the STA will see the light of day. The Legislative Yuan is the "hardest hit disaster area" when the issue is national decision-making. That much is certainly true.
Two. The country has steadily grown. It relied on the tireless daily operation of a solid rule of law foundation and administrative infrastructure. The legislature's responsibility is the establishment of the rule of law. But our legislature simply loves to intervene on behalf of irrelevant short-term issues. It shifts with the winds, and shirks its duty. Consider the Kaohsiung propene disaster. First, the city government routinely neglects its underground pipelines. Secondly, when disaster strikes, it lacks professional disaster intelligence. As a result, the public is endangered. In recent years blue vs. green battles in the Legislative Yuan frequently led to forcible occupations of the podium. Their hypocrisy, indolence, and callousness, treats people like straw dogs and the affairs of the nation like children's games. Green camp caucus secretary general Tsai Chi-chang opposed a review of the FEPZ Bill. He said the KMT caucus wanted "to keep the common people in mind." But when has the DPP caucus ever kept the wishes of the common people in mind?
Three. The Kaohsiung gas explosion disaster is hard to bear. But compared to Taiwan's economy in recent years, with the attendant suffering and no solution in sight, what is worse? The gas explosion has already happened. We are now in the post-disaster investigation and reconstruction phase. But Taiwan's political and economic disaster is a crisis that continues to deepen with long delays and day after day of prevarication in the Legislative Yuan. The PRC-ROK FTA will be signed by the end of the year. This poses a major threat. Taiwan's industrial competitiveness is about to be washed away in a landslide. Yet ruling and opposition party legislators have gone so far as to assert that the Kaohsiung gas explosion must be given priority, and that they are in no hurry to hear the bill. Consider this superficial, short-sighted, cart before the horse mindset. How does it differ from the way LCY Chemical neglected its pipeline and concealed the leak? How does it differ from the way the Kaohsiung City Government deceived itself and others about the propene gas leak?
Kaohsiung reconstruction must have central government support and cooperation before it can be completed. That cannot be denied. But that hardly means that the affairs of state must all be shut down in the meantime, and all support thrown behind Kaohsiung. In fact, rescue work is being carried out with the help of the entire nation. People have expressed spontaneous enthusiasm. Under the circumstances, the legislature should be trying to rescue the "hardest hit disaster area" under its jurisdiction. It should clear the docket of delayed and neglected bills as soon as possible. The Kaohsiung gas explosion investigation and prosecution, should be left to judicial authorities and responsible agencies. We have not seen any legislators with any special knowledge in this area.
Frankly, those responsible for causing the gas explosion in Kaohsiung have already surfaced. Future claims, investigations, and reconstruction, can be addressed without difficulty, one at a time. By contrast, legislative negligence, playing politics, and hypocrisy, have left Taiwan's economy and democracy in a shambles. The result has been a thousand times worse than the Kaohsiung gas explosion. This legislature is out of touch with public opinion. It is out of touch with the pulse of the nation. It is indeed "too cold-blooded."
立法院的冷血虛偽,比高雄氣爆更可悲
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.08.05 03:36 am
立法院原訂昨日開審的《自由經濟示範區特別條例》,卻以「高雄氣爆」為由,再告延期。國民黨立委黃昭順說:「救災第一。」民進黨立委林岱樺說:「此時還不停審,就是與民意脫節,太冷血了!」親民黨則主張盡速研擬「高雄氣爆災變復原特別條例」並備妥預算。
高雄的氣爆災變,舉國傷痛,自今起連三日降半旗致哀,這是人民不可或忘的災難。但是,救災歸救災,重建歸重建,其他重大國政及一般民生仍應照常進行,這才是一個國家保持均衡運作之道。因此,若謂此時立法院照表運作,就會影響「救災第一」,就是「太冷血」,簡直是荒誕之談。如果這種論調成立的話,立院在災期中不應審議法案,全台工廠是否也應停工,人們停止上班上課,大家捲袖子南下救災,或者全民在家閉門垂淚?
若是在先進民主國家,遇上這種事,國會議員只要在會前集體默哀一分鐘,然後即回頭做自己該做的事。如此,各守崗位,各盡職責,才是一個制度化國家的運作常軌。以目前高雄災區的狀況,災民的安置和物資的捐輸皆已落實,國軍和外縣市的支援也已到位,所剩就是究責及重建的問題。究責方面,檢方已經著手調查,除非立委想要藉機打口水戰,否則只怕不是他們所能插手;至於重建,則有賴地方與中央整理出需求清單,釐清公部門和私部門的責任界線,並據以擬出重建計畫,然後才可能有討論的依據。目前高雄市府仍漫無頭緒,在立院臨時會要討論重建或復原,根本是空中樓閣。
事實上,相較於高雄氣爆的災情,立法院恐怕才是國家此時真正的「重災區」。這可從三方面檢視:第一、示範區條例、服貿協議、兩岸協議監督條例等重大經濟法案,皆卡在立院多時,立法院卻毫不作為。其中,《監督條例》原本說「先立法,再審查」,如今卻儼然演成「不立法,不審查」;如此,服貿協議更不知何年何月才能見到天日。立法院是國家決策怠惰的「重災區」,一點不假。
第二、國家的穩健成長,靠的是法制基礎建設的穩固及行政日常運作之不懈。國會的責任,是在建立法制;但我們的立法院卻偏愛插手各種與己無關的短期議題,掀風作浪,棄自己的職責於不顧。且看這次高雄丙烯釀災,一則是市府平日對地下管線疏於管理,二則是在救災時缺乏應有的專業智能,因而置市民於險境。對照立院近年在藍綠惡鬥中動輒杯葛霸台,其虛偽、怠惰和冷血,不也正是把百姓當芻狗、把治國當兒戲嗎?綠營黨團書記長蔡其昌在反對審查《示範區條例》時說,國民黨團要「以蒼生為念」;試問,民進黨團心中又何曾以蒼生為念?
第三、高雄的氣爆災難固令人不忍,但比起台灣經濟近年苦無出路的危機,兩相比較,究竟孰重孰輕?氣爆的不幸已經發生,而情勢已進入災後調查重建階段;但台灣的政經災情,在立法院日復一日的推諉、拖延之下,危機卻仍在加深。在中韓自貿協議年底前即將簽定的大限威脅下,台灣產業的競爭力正土崩石流地消逝;此時,朝野立委竟還敢說高雄氣爆才是優先事項,不急著審理法案。這種膚淺短視、顛倒本末的心態,跟李長榮化工放任管線年久失修並隱瞞外洩,以及市府用對付瓦斯的方式來處理丙烯外洩的自欺欺人心態,有何兩樣?
不可諱言,高雄的災後重建,必須要有中央的支持與配合才可能完成;然而,這並不是說所有的國家大事皆應停擺,只集中全力支援高雄。事實上,救援工作正以舉國之心力進行,民眾的自發參與熱情也毫不稍遜;在這種情況下,立法院要做的,應該是努力搶救自己轄內的「重災區」,盡速對國會延宕、怠忽、綁架的法案進行清理與審查,才是正道。至於高雄氣爆的調查與處理,應該交由司法單位及相關行政部門執行即可;至少,我們看不出立委有何特別高明的專業可以過問此事。
老實說,高雄的氣爆事件發展至今,相應的責任因果都已逐漸浮上枱面;日後的索賠、究責與重建,將不難一一循序完成。相形之下,立法院怠忽職守、玩弄政治、虛偽矯情留給台灣經濟和民主的災難,恐怕將千百倍於高雄氣爆。這樣的立法院,難道不是與民意脫節,與國家的命脈脫節,更難道不是「太冷血」了!
Sunday, August 3, 2014
A Man-Made Catastrophe: No One Responsible Can Escape Blame
A Man-Made Catastrophe: No One Responsible Can Escape Blame
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 4, 2014
Summary: The Kaohsiung City gas pipeline explosion was a major disaster. Many people bear heavy responsibility. That is inescapable. A tiny hole in the pipeline could have been the result of neglect by a handful of workers, or a gaggle of bureaucrats. It led to an unqualified disaster. The question one must ask now, is after this unforgettable pain, what have we learned?
Full Text Below:
According to the available evidence, the cause of the Kaohsiung City gas explosion was a propene leak by LCY Chemical Corp. One. The propene delivery time is consistent with public reports of the incident. Two. Communication records show that China General Terminal & Distribution Corporation (CGTD) which sent the shipment, and LCY Chemical Corp., which received the shipment, did indeed encounter problems with propene shipment. Three. Prosecutors have learned that people smelled strange odors emerging from locations where underground LCY Chemical pipelines were located. So far, LCY Chemical has denied responsibility.
The next point of contention that must be addressed is, why was the pipeline leaking? Was LCY Chemical responsible? Over the last few days, LCY Chemical has offered two responses. First it said it may have been the result of improper construction near the pipeline rupture, for example, the nearby municipal light rail project. Next it said maintenance of the pipeline was the responsibility of the CPC Corp., not LCY Chemical.
But prosecutors discovered a hole in the pipeline where a "square metal patch" had fallen off. It did not appear to be the result of nearby construction projects. It looked more like the result of age and disrepair. Repair records should have been kept. Maintenance and repair should have been more diligent. LCY Chemical apparently failed to meet its responsibilities. CPC Corp. said that 30 years ago the ownership of the pipeline was transferred to LCY Chemical. It said every company should be responsible for the maintenance of its own property. It said CPC Corp. and LCY Chemical never signed a maintenance contract. If true, the damaged propene pipeline that resulted in a leak is the inescapable responsibility of LCY Chemical.
This major disaster was entirely man-made. LCY Chemical is a listed company with annual output of $50 billion NT. But it has repeatedly disowned all responsiblity. It has demonstrated no sense of social responsibility. The night before the gas explosion, personnel in charge of receiving the propene shipment may not have been aware of the gas leaks. They noticed the pressure loss, contacted CGTD, then continued shipping the propene. One cannot say that the company knowingly caused the disaster. but the CGTD foreman revealed that there was a gas leak on Ersheng Road. Both sides closed their delivery valves. Shortly afterwards a string of explosions occurred. The company must now be fully aware of its propene problems. Yet its conduct in recent days has been farcical.
LCY Chemical cannot escape responsibility. But Kaohsiung City Government disaster prevention and relief also failed. First of all, the city's underground pipeline map contains no record of this LCY Chemical pipeline. Clearly the city's fire and public works management is incomplete and includes basic information gaps. Secondly, the city government misjudged the situation during the first three hours of the crisis. City officials thought it was a natural gas explosion. Finally, the EPA Southern District contingency team, which has the ability to deal with toxic gases, waited too long. Third, One hour before the explosion, the Kaohsiung City Fire Department asked Sinochem and Sinopec to cut pipeline transmission. But it failed to notify LCY Chemical. This was a blunder. Fourth, people repeatedly reported the disaster. Yet the municipal government "public service center" repeatedly responded in a perfunctory manner. City officials lied, saying "We have the situation under control." This demonstrated a stupefying disregard for human life.
Nor was that all. The gas explosion led to heavy casualties and losses. This reflects on Kaohsiung's lack of emergency rescue systems. It had virtually no control of the situation. Many firefighters on the scene busied themselves with traditional water sprays. This may be effective against natural gas leaks. But using it with propene leaks merely adds fuel to the fire. Propene is heavier than natural gas. Propene is unlike natural gas, which dissipates into the air. Continuous spraying merely causes propene to flow into the sewers, increasing the area of damage. We have to wonder. When firefighters were busy on the front lines, did their superiors in command and control consider their safety? Did they consider the risk to local residents? If they did, why did they not cordon off the site and evacuate passing pedestrians and vehicles? City officials have been blaming LCY Chemical for failing to inform them when they were transporting propene. In fact, the laws and regulations do not require notification.
The number of deaths from the gas explosion continues to mount. Two missing firefighters have yet to be found. An underground section still contains 260 tons of propene that must be dealt with. Road reconstruction is still a long way off. As evidence continues to emerge, those guilty of administrative negligence cannot be allowed to escape responsibility. LCY Chemical and the Kaohsiung City government must tell the truth about what happened, and shoulder responsibility. Central and local government division of labor for pipeline management must be clarified. There cannot be any "no man's land." They must not resort to mud-slinging or shameless evasion, in order to shift the focus of attention.
This was a major disaster. Many people bear heavy responsibility. That is inescapable. A tiny hole in the pipeline could have been the result of neglect by a handful of workers, or a gaggle of bureaucrats. It led to an unqualified disaster. The question one must ask now, is after this unforgettable pain, what have we learned?
當然是人禍:該負責的,一個也逃不掉
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.08.04 03:01 am
高雄氣爆主因,根據目前相關的線索,皆指向是李長榮化工當天輸送時外洩的丙烯肇禍。第一,輸送丙烯的時間點與民眾報案的時間點完全吻合;第二,通話紀錄顯示,負責輸送的華運倉儲和負責接收的榮化兩端,確曾發生丙烯未送達的問題;第三,檢方已在民眾最早發現異味外洩地點的地下涵管找到榮化管線的破漏處。至此,李長榮化工恐已責任難逃。
接下來,必須討論的新爭議點則是:當天的管線為何會破漏?責任歸屬在不在李長榮?對此,榮化連日來的說法有二:其一,可能是鄰近工地的施工不當導致管線破裂,(諸如附近的市府輕軌工程);其二,該管線的維修保養責任在中油公司,而非李長榮。
然而,比對檢方在涵洞內發現的管線缺漏口,是一塊「方形金屬補丁」脫落,不似受其他工程外力影響所致,而比較像是老舊失修。如果先前已有過修補紀錄,平日更須勤於保養檢修,但榮化似乎並未盡到責任。而中油方面則聲明,該管線所有權卅年前由中油轉讓給榮化,產權各有歸屬,應該各自維護保養,中油與榮化從未簽訂代為維修合約。如果上述事實皆無誤,管線破損導致丙烯外洩,榮化的責任將無所遁逃。
這麼大的災難,完全是一場人禍。李長榮化工是年產值五百億元的上市公司,但它應對外界的質疑卻一再推託,看不出它的社會責任感。當夜在氣爆之前,該公司執行接收丙烯的人員或許不知市區發生氣體外洩事件,因而雖察覺壓力流失,在與華運聯繫之後,又繼續輸送丙烯;這點,不能說該公司有肇禍之故意。然而,在華運領班告知二聖路有氣體外洩事件後,雙方關閉輸送閥門,不久即發生連續爆炸;此刻,該公司應心知肚明是自己的丙烯闖禍,但其連日來的表現卻荒腔走板。
從另一端看,榮化固然責任難逃,這並不表示高雄市府在救災防災處理上沒有誤失。首先,在市府列管的地下管線中,並無榮化這條管線之記載,顯示其消防及工務管理基本資料缺漏不全;其次,市府在最初三小時的處理過程中一直誤判形勢,以為是瓦斯肇禍,最後向具有專業能力處理有毒氣體的環保署南區應變隊求援,已延誤時機;第三、在爆炸前一個小時,消防局曾要求中化和中石化切斷管線輸送,卻獨漏禍首榮化,這是因應錯謬;第四、在市民不斷報案申告災情時,市府「市民服務中心」卻一再敷衍,謊稱「情況已經控制」,這種愚民策略根本是草菅人命。
不僅如此,氣爆造成如此重大的傷亡和損失,也反映了高雄市救災系統的缺失,指揮上幾乎沒有縱深可言。從現場看,只見眾多打火弟兄在前線奔忙,用的就是最傳統的噴水方式,這對付瓦斯外洩或許有效,應對丙烯卻是火上加油。因為丙烯比重較大,不像瓦斯可以隨空氣逸散;不斷噴水,只是將丙烯帶向下水道四處溢流,反而擴大了受害面積。我們好奇的是,當消防隊員在火線奔忙時,在後勤指揮、調度、研判的長官可曾想到他們的安危?可曾考慮到當地居民的風險?如果有的話,為什麼現場不見有效的封鎖,也未疏散過往人車?市府官員一直責怪榮化在輸送丙烯異常時未曾通報,事實上,相關法規上並無強制通報的標準作業準則。
這次氣爆發生至今,死亡人數還在累增,失蹤的兩名消防隊員也尚未尋獲,包括災害路段地下還有另兩百六十噸丙烯有待處理。可知,要踏上重建之路,仍很漫長。無論如何,隨著證據不斷浮現,該承擔的人、該追究的行政疏失,都不能逃掉責任;也因此,李長榮化工和高雄市府都必須認真釐清真相和因果,拿出肩膀扛起責任。除此之外,中央和地方之間對於各種管線的管理及分工,如果還有「幽靈地帶」,也請徹底劃分清楚,不要用政治口水或耍賴手段來轉移焦點。
災難有多麼重大,責任就有多麼沉重,這是無可逃避的事。對比之下,一個小小的管線缺口,少數工作人員的敷衍了事,或者一群官僚的漫不經心,就可以釀成難以彌補的災禍。要問的是:歷經這場刻骨銘心的痛,大家學到了什麼?
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 4, 2014
Summary: The Kaohsiung City gas pipeline explosion was a major disaster. Many people bear heavy responsibility. That is inescapable. A tiny hole in the pipeline could have been the result of neglect by a handful of workers, or a gaggle of bureaucrats. It led to an unqualified disaster. The question one must ask now, is after this unforgettable pain, what have we learned?
Full Text Below:
According to the available evidence, the cause of the Kaohsiung City gas explosion was a propene leak by LCY Chemical Corp. One. The propene delivery time is consistent with public reports of the incident. Two. Communication records show that China General Terminal & Distribution Corporation (CGTD) which sent the shipment, and LCY Chemical Corp., which received the shipment, did indeed encounter problems with propene shipment. Three. Prosecutors have learned that people smelled strange odors emerging from locations where underground LCY Chemical pipelines were located. So far, LCY Chemical has denied responsibility.
The next point of contention that must be addressed is, why was the pipeline leaking? Was LCY Chemical responsible? Over the last few days, LCY Chemical has offered two responses. First it said it may have been the result of improper construction near the pipeline rupture, for example, the nearby municipal light rail project. Next it said maintenance of the pipeline was the responsibility of the CPC Corp., not LCY Chemical.
But prosecutors discovered a hole in the pipeline where a "square metal patch" had fallen off. It did not appear to be the result of nearby construction projects. It looked more like the result of age and disrepair. Repair records should have been kept. Maintenance and repair should have been more diligent. LCY Chemical apparently failed to meet its responsibilities. CPC Corp. said that 30 years ago the ownership of the pipeline was transferred to LCY Chemical. It said every company should be responsible for the maintenance of its own property. It said CPC Corp. and LCY Chemical never signed a maintenance contract. If true, the damaged propene pipeline that resulted in a leak is the inescapable responsibility of LCY Chemical.
This major disaster was entirely man-made. LCY Chemical is a listed company with annual output of $50 billion NT. But it has repeatedly disowned all responsiblity. It has demonstrated no sense of social responsibility. The night before the gas explosion, personnel in charge of receiving the propene shipment may not have been aware of the gas leaks. They noticed the pressure loss, contacted CGTD, then continued shipping the propene. One cannot say that the company knowingly caused the disaster. but the CGTD foreman revealed that there was a gas leak on Ersheng Road. Both sides closed their delivery valves. Shortly afterwards a string of explosions occurred. The company must now be fully aware of its propene problems. Yet its conduct in recent days has been farcical.
LCY Chemical cannot escape responsibility. But Kaohsiung City Government disaster prevention and relief also failed. First of all, the city's underground pipeline map contains no record of this LCY Chemical pipeline. Clearly the city's fire and public works management is incomplete and includes basic information gaps. Secondly, the city government misjudged the situation during the first three hours of the crisis. City officials thought it was a natural gas explosion. Finally, the EPA Southern District contingency team, which has the ability to deal with toxic gases, waited too long. Third, One hour before the explosion, the Kaohsiung City Fire Department asked Sinochem and Sinopec to cut pipeline transmission. But it failed to notify LCY Chemical. This was a blunder. Fourth, people repeatedly reported the disaster. Yet the municipal government "public service center" repeatedly responded in a perfunctory manner. City officials lied, saying "We have the situation under control." This demonstrated a stupefying disregard for human life.
Nor was that all. The gas explosion led to heavy casualties and losses. This reflects on Kaohsiung's lack of emergency rescue systems. It had virtually no control of the situation. Many firefighters on the scene busied themselves with traditional water sprays. This may be effective against natural gas leaks. But using it with propene leaks merely adds fuel to the fire. Propene is heavier than natural gas. Propene is unlike natural gas, which dissipates into the air. Continuous spraying merely causes propene to flow into the sewers, increasing the area of damage. We have to wonder. When firefighters were busy on the front lines, did their superiors in command and control consider their safety? Did they consider the risk to local residents? If they did, why did they not cordon off the site and evacuate passing pedestrians and vehicles? City officials have been blaming LCY Chemical for failing to inform them when they were transporting propene. In fact, the laws and regulations do not require notification.
The number of deaths from the gas explosion continues to mount. Two missing firefighters have yet to be found. An underground section still contains 260 tons of propene that must be dealt with. Road reconstruction is still a long way off. As evidence continues to emerge, those guilty of administrative negligence cannot be allowed to escape responsibility. LCY Chemical and the Kaohsiung City government must tell the truth about what happened, and shoulder responsibility. Central and local government division of labor for pipeline management must be clarified. There cannot be any "no man's land." They must not resort to mud-slinging or shameless evasion, in order to shift the focus of attention.
This was a major disaster. Many people bear heavy responsibility. That is inescapable. A tiny hole in the pipeline could have been the result of neglect by a handful of workers, or a gaggle of bureaucrats. It led to an unqualified disaster. The question one must ask now, is after this unforgettable pain, what have we learned?
當然是人禍:該負責的,一個也逃不掉
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.08.04 03:01 am
高雄氣爆主因,根據目前相關的線索,皆指向是李長榮化工當天輸送時外洩的丙烯肇禍。第一,輸送丙烯的時間點與民眾報案的時間點完全吻合;第二,通話紀錄顯示,負責輸送的華運倉儲和負責接收的榮化兩端,確曾發生丙烯未送達的問題;第三,檢方已在民眾最早發現異味外洩地點的地下涵管找到榮化管線的破漏處。至此,李長榮化工恐已責任難逃。
接下來,必須討論的新爭議點則是:當天的管線為何會破漏?責任歸屬在不在李長榮?對此,榮化連日來的說法有二:其一,可能是鄰近工地的施工不當導致管線破裂,(諸如附近的市府輕軌工程);其二,該管線的維修保養責任在中油公司,而非李長榮。
然而,比對檢方在涵洞內發現的管線缺漏口,是一塊「方形金屬補丁」脫落,不似受其他工程外力影響所致,而比較像是老舊失修。如果先前已有過修補紀錄,平日更須勤於保養檢修,但榮化似乎並未盡到責任。而中油方面則聲明,該管線所有權卅年前由中油轉讓給榮化,產權各有歸屬,應該各自維護保養,中油與榮化從未簽訂代為維修合約。如果上述事實皆無誤,管線破損導致丙烯外洩,榮化的責任將無所遁逃。
這麼大的災難,完全是一場人禍。李長榮化工是年產值五百億元的上市公司,但它應對外界的質疑卻一再推託,看不出它的社會責任感。當夜在氣爆之前,該公司執行接收丙烯的人員或許不知市區發生氣體外洩事件,因而雖察覺壓力流失,在與華運聯繫之後,又繼續輸送丙烯;這點,不能說該公司有肇禍之故意。然而,在華運領班告知二聖路有氣體外洩事件後,雙方關閉輸送閥門,不久即發生連續爆炸;此刻,該公司應心知肚明是自己的丙烯闖禍,但其連日來的表現卻荒腔走板。
從另一端看,榮化固然責任難逃,這並不表示高雄市府在救災防災處理上沒有誤失。首先,在市府列管的地下管線中,並無榮化這條管線之記載,顯示其消防及工務管理基本資料缺漏不全;其次,市府在最初三小時的處理過程中一直誤判形勢,以為是瓦斯肇禍,最後向具有專業能力處理有毒氣體的環保署南區應變隊求援,已延誤時機;第三、在爆炸前一個小時,消防局曾要求中化和中石化切斷管線輸送,卻獨漏禍首榮化,這是因應錯謬;第四、在市民不斷報案申告災情時,市府「市民服務中心」卻一再敷衍,謊稱「情況已經控制」,這種愚民策略根本是草菅人命。
不僅如此,氣爆造成如此重大的傷亡和損失,也反映了高雄市救災系統的缺失,指揮上幾乎沒有縱深可言。從現場看,只見眾多打火弟兄在前線奔忙,用的就是最傳統的噴水方式,這對付瓦斯外洩或許有效,應對丙烯卻是火上加油。因為丙烯比重較大,不像瓦斯可以隨空氣逸散;不斷噴水,只是將丙烯帶向下水道四處溢流,反而擴大了受害面積。我們好奇的是,當消防隊員在火線奔忙時,在後勤指揮、調度、研判的長官可曾想到他們的安危?可曾考慮到當地居民的風險?如果有的話,為什麼現場不見有效的封鎖,也未疏散過往人車?市府官員一直責怪榮化在輸送丙烯異常時未曾通報,事實上,相關法規上並無強制通報的標準作業準則。
這次氣爆發生至今,死亡人數還在累增,失蹤的兩名消防隊員也尚未尋獲,包括災害路段地下還有另兩百六十噸丙烯有待處理。可知,要踏上重建之路,仍很漫長。無論如何,隨著證據不斷浮現,該承擔的人、該追究的行政疏失,都不能逃掉責任;也因此,李長榮化工和高雄市府都必須認真釐清真相和因果,拿出肩膀扛起責任。除此之外,中央和地方之間對於各種管線的管理及分工,如果還有「幽靈地帶」,也請徹底劃分清楚,不要用政治口水或耍賴手段來轉移焦點。
災難有多麼重大,責任就有多麼沉重,這是無可逃避的事。對比之下,一個小小的管線缺口,少數工作人員的敷衍了事,或者一群官僚的漫不經心,就可以釀成難以彌補的災禍。要問的是:歷經這場刻骨銘心的痛,大家學到了什麼?
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