Pan Green Template Hsueh Ling: Beneficiary of Pan Green Fast Track
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 16, 2013
Summary: The timing of Hsueh Ling's Pan Green template was just right. This Pan Green fast track is a variation on the Zhongnan fast track. In fact, an endless stream of Pan Green politicians have been making such trips. But all three members of the Hsueh Ling family are high ranking party officials. As a result the DPP has effectively given this fast track its official seal of approval. Let us see how the DPP will justify its actions.
Full text below:
We once had a "Zhongnan fast track." We now have a "Pan Green fast track."
Tang Dynasty scholar Lu Chang-yun yearned to climb the career ladder. So he retreated into the Zhongnan Mountains and posed as a hermit. As a result he was perceived as a great sage who had transcended worldly concerns. The imperial court begged him to descend from his lofty perch in the mountains, and serve as a government official. Later generations expressed contempt for his ploy, calling it the "Zhongnan fast track."
DPP legislator Hsueh Ling's husband is DPP Central Review Committee Chairman Chen Shen-hung. Her son is DPP Taipei City Councilor Ho Chih-wei. Together, the three head up the Sunnybank China branch bank, which opened in Shanghai yesterday. Their application to open a branch bank on the Mainland was submitted in February of this year. Five short months later, it was approved. The branch is already open for business. Some say Hsueh Ling's Pan Green pedigree opened up a "Pan Green channel." What is this "Pan Green channel," other than a modern day "Pan Green fast track?"
The day the Sunnybank branch opened, all three members of Hsueh Ling's family visited Shanghai. They did not however, attend the opening ceremony. Later, in response to media requests, Hsueh showed herself. Out of nowhere Hsueh Ling blurted out "Former DPP Chairmen Yao Chia-wen, Hsu Hsing-liang, and Frank Hsieh have all visited [Mainland] China." "We (three) are merely guests invited to attend the opening ceremony. We are all happy to see it come to fruition." She conveyed a "Nothing to see here, move along" tone. But is the opening of a Sunnybank branch on Mainland China really no different that Yao Chia-wen, Hsu Hsing-liang, and Frank Hsieh "visiting [Mainland[ China"?
DPP spokesman Cheng Wen-chan's response was even less comprehensible. He said "Economics is economics, politics is politics." He said the company is not under the control of the DPP. It is under the control of the FSC and SET. He trotted out the old saw, "Do not read so much politics into it." He even added, "A political party cannot control whom its party members marry." But can Hsueh Ling opening up a Sunnybank branch in Shanghai, on Mainland China, really be likened to a marriage between two individuals?
Hsueh Ling has become a Pan Green template for cross-Strait exchanges. The Sunnybank branch on Mainland China is forecasting a profit during its very first year. Beijing is eager to prove to the DPP that ECFA will not "forfeit sovereignty and humiliate the nation." It is not about to disappoint the Sunnybank branch in Shanghai, which was established under the auspices of ECFA. With this cross-Strait business move, Hsueh Ling has become a walking advertisement for the Pan Green fast track.
The DPP's "China Affairs Committee" is sounding the alarms. It is warning against "blindly seeking concessions from [Mainland] China." It is simultaneously complaining that "[Mainland] China has not made enough concessions on TISA," and threatening boycotts. It is also rushing to Pan Green template Hsueh Ling's defense, arguing that "Politics is politics, economics is economics." Can anyone make heads or tails out of the DPP's game?
Hsueh Ling and her family have become a Pan Green template. The DPP must be held politically accountable. The DPP condemned ECFA, saying it "forfeited sovereignty and humiliated the nation." The DPP is currently using the same terms to characterize TISA. Therefore how can it airily dismiss the Sunnybank branch opening as "Politics is politics, economics is economics?" The fact is, the DPP has never been a political party that believes "Politics is politics, and economics is economics." It has never been content to allow cross-Strait relations to be a case of "Politics is politics, and economics is economics." Its buffoonery cannot cover up what is clear for all to see. The DPP knows it must offer a compelling political justification for Pan Green template Hsueh Ling's actions. Otherwise why would so many of its spokesmen be struggling to rationalize it away?
The CCP accorded the Sunnybank branch opening VIP treatment. Needless to say, it has high expectations of this Pan Green template. But according to news reports CCP officials said they were "not happy to see some people support in independence on Taiwan, even as they made money on the Mainland." This was for Hsueh Ling's benefit. Needless to say, it was also for the DPP's benefit. It amounted to a direct rebuttal of the DPP's "Politics is politics, economics is economics" argument. The DPP can of course back Hsueh Ling as a Pan Green template. But if it does, it must also bear political responsibility for this Pan Green template's actions. This is something Beijing wants to know. This is something DPP supporters want know. This is something everyone on Taiwan has the right to know.
Hsueh Ling's Pan Green template has been the target of online criticism. Critics denounce Hsueh Ling and the DPP for "denouncing cross-Strait exchanges while profiting from them." Hsueh Ling's Cinderella story has confirmed a hypothesis circulated on the Internet for years. The hypothesis calims that "The more vocally one champions Taiwan independence, the more eager Beijing will be to make concessions." Hsueh Ling's Pan Green feet fit easily into Beijing's glass slipper. What was this, but proof of this hypothesis?
Hsueh Ling has become a Pan Green template. She has deftly taken the Pan Green fast track. The DPP must confront this matter in all seriousness. It must not kid itself. It must offer a non-contradictory rationale for cross-Strait economic and political relations. It cannot say one thing to Hsueh Ling, and something entirely different to others. Hsueh Ling traveled to the Mainland to attend the Sunnybank branch opening. The political impact was no less that of Frank Hsieh's "exploratory visit" last October. If the DPP backs Hsueh Ling's trip to Shanghai to attend the Sunnybank branch opening, how can it refuse to back Frank Hsieh's "constitutional one China?"
The timing of Hsueh Ling's Pan Green template was just right. This Pan Green fast track is a variation on the Zhongnan fast track. In fact, an endless stream of Pan Green politicians have been making such trips. But all three members of the Hsueh Ling family are high ranking party officials. As a result the DPP has effectively given this fast track its official seal of approval. Let us see how the DPP will justify its actions.
薛凌綠色樣板 飛越綠色捷徑
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.16 02:00 am
昔有「終南捷徑」，今有「綠色捷徑」。
唐代，士子盧藏用，為出仕計，入終南山佯裝隱士，反被視為避世高人，朝中將他禮聘下山為官，後世諷為「終南捷徑」。
今日，民進黨立委薛凌，與夫民進黨中評委主委陳勝宏，及子民進黨台北市議員何志偉一家三口，主導「陽信融資租賃（中國）有限公司」，日昨在上海開幕。此案今年二月送件，短短五個月即迅速核准，並已開張。有人指正是因薛凌一家的綠色背景，走的是便捷快速的「綠色通道」。這一條「綠色通道」，算不算是今世的「綠色捷徑」？
陽信租賃揭幕當天，薛凌一家三口到了上海，卻未參加開幕式；後經媒體要求現身，薛凌不知所云地說「民進黨前主席姚嘉文、許信良、謝長廷都來過中國」，「我們（一家三口）只是受邀來觀禮，樂觀其成」，一副此地無銀的情狀。但是，「陽信融資租賃（中國）有限公司」登陸開張營業，與姚嘉文、許信良、謝長廷「都來過中國」是同一回事嗎？
民進黨發言人鄭文燦的回應更是無厘頭。他說「經濟歸經濟／政治歸政治」，甚至說陽信公司不歸民進黨管，而是歸證交所與金管會管，然後又拋出「不要過分政治解讀」的一句老梗。他還說：「一個政黨不能管黨員結婚。」但是，薛凌去上海開「陽信租賃（中國）」，能比喻成「結婚」嗎？
薛凌已成兩岸交流的「綠色樣板」，「陽信租賃（中國）」已經預言，在第一年就要賺錢。相信北京方面為了證實ＥＣＦＡ不是民進黨所稱的「喪權辱國」，也一定不會讓在ＥＣＦＡ下成立的「陽信租賃（中國）」失望，薛凌的跨海事業儼然將成為這一條「綠色捷徑」的活廣告。
然而，正在此時，民進黨一方面在「中國事務委員會」上警告「不可一味要求中國讓利」；但另一方面卻又因「中國對《服貿協議》讓利不夠」，正揚言全力杯葛；再一方面又以「政治歸政治／經濟歸經濟」為薛凌的「綠色樣板」辯護。民進黨的這一盤棋，有人看得懂嗎？
薛凌一家已成「綠色樣板」，民進黨有責任在政治層面作出交代；因為，ＥＣＦＡ曾被民進黨斥為「喪權辱國」（如今又用同樣的字眼批判《服貿協議》），則豈可輕描淡寫地用「政治歸政治／經濟歸經濟」一語輕鬆帶過？其實，民進黨從來不是「政治歸政治／經濟歸經濟」，且兩岸關係也從來不可能「政治歸政治／經濟歸經濟」。無厘頭的打諢掩蓋不了有目共睹的實況，民進黨必須對薛凌這個「綠色樣板」，有一個足可昭告天下的政治理由，否則何以杜悠悠之口？
「陽信租賃（中國）」在上海開幕當日，中共方面給予高規格待遇，自是對此一「綠色樣板」有所期待。但報導稱，中共涉台官員說：「不樂見有人一邊在台灣支持台獨，一邊在大陸賺錢。」這是說給薛凌聽的，當然也是說給民進黨聽的，亦形同直接反駁了民進黨「政治歸政治／經濟歸經濟」的說法。因此，民進黨當然可以支持薛凌成為「綠色樣板」，卻亦有責任對此一「綠色樣板」的政治正當性作出交代；這是北京希望知道的，也是民進黨的支持者應當知道的，更是全體台灣民眾有權利知道的。
網路上對薛凌的「綠色樣板」頗多批評，指這是薛凌與民進黨「一邊罵，一邊拿」。但薛凌演出的這一齣灰姑娘傳奇，也彷彿證實了網路上流傳多年的一個猜測，指「愈獨的，愈容易取得北京的施惠」。薛凌雙腳的綠色尺碼，如此輕巧地就穿上北京特製的「陽信租賃（中國）有限公司」的玻璃鞋，這豈不正是民間猜測的應驗？
薛凌已成綠色樣板，輕巧飛越綠色捷徑。民進黨必須嚴肅面對此事，重新建構一套不致自相矛盾、不要自欺欺人的兩岸政經論述；不能對薛凌是一套，對別人又是另一套。薛凌的此趟「開幕之旅」，其政治效應絕不下於謝長廷去年十月的「開展之旅」；如果民進黨支持薛凌去上海開銀行，豈仍有可能捂住謝長廷的「憲法一中」？
薛凌的「綠色樣板」正逢其時，而這一條另類「終南捷徑」的「綠色捷徑」上，其實綠色政客早已絡繹於途；如今則因薛凌一家三口高高在上的黨公職頭銜，使這條捷徑的正當性形同獲得民進黨的政治授權與認可。且看民進黨如何自圓其說。
Monday, July 15, 2013
Sunday, July 14, 2013
Taipei Must Keep Pace with Beijing-Washington Dialogue, But Need Not Choose Sides
Taipei Must Keep Pace with Beijing-Washington Dialogue, But Need Not Choose Sides
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 15, 2013
Summary: Taipei must change its strategy and tactics. Destructive confrontation with Beijing is not the way. Blindly accepting concessions is not the answer. Beijing and Washington are interacting. Taipei is happy to see further improvements in Beijing-Washington relations. Taipei has no need to choose sides. It must consider the long term interests of the Republic of China as a whole. It must also consider how Chimerica, i.e., (Mainland) China and the US, and Chiaiwan, i.e., (Mainland) China and Taiwan are evolving. It must improve cross-Strait relations in step with Beijing-Washington relations. This is the correct approach.
Full text below:
Strategic and economic dialogue are different. Beijing-Washingto strategic dialogue first began in August 2005. Then US Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick and Mainland Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Dai Bingguo initiated the dialogue. Their aim was to maintain and expand bilateral cooperation, and to promote Asian-Pacific and world peace. Their focus was to expand dialogue and increase trust. They hoped to increase consensus, cooperation, coordination, and consultation. Beijing-Washington strategic economic dialogue began in December 2006. Then CCP Vice Premier Wu Yi and U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson presided. They discussed commercial aviation, services, banking, securities, the RMB exchange rate, energy, environmental protection, trade and investment, food safety, and international economic and trade cooperation.
Bush administration neoconservatives harbored powerful hostility towards the Chinese mainland. It perceived the PRC as a strategic competitor. It opposed strategic dialogue. It only tolerated dialogue between senior officials. It was overtaken by later developments. In 2009, the Obama administration combined strategic and economic dialogue into one. This represented a major change in US thinking. For two days, beginning on July 10 of this year, the two sides held their fifth meeting in Washington. Senior officials from the two sides carried out strategic and economic dialogue. Mainland Chinese representatives included Vice Premier Wang Yang, and State Councilor Yang Jiechi. United States representatives included Secretary of State John Kerry and Secretary of the Treasury Jack Lew. Each time many high-ranking officials participated. Each time they addressed a wide range of issues. As we can see, Beijing-Washingto relations are complex and diverse. Both sides attach great importance to the dialogue.
Senior Obama officials say the dialogue is one of the critical tasks in the Washington's "Asian-Pacific rebalancing strategy." The dialogue continued in California a month ago, when the Obama and Xi Jinping summit engaged in additional in-depth discussions. Strategic issues addressed included North Korean nuclear weapons, Syria, Iran, regional security, and human rights. Economic issues addressed included Mainland Chinese exchange rates and interest rates. Washington hoped to discuss market mechanisms and financial reforms. U.S. officials mentioned another concern -- protection for US "intellectual property rights." The U.S. is concerned about pirated software. It is concerned about the theft of trade secrets. The issues discussed were largely the same as in the past.
As Taipei sees it, Washington has agreed to continue bilateral strategic and economic dialogue. That means Beijing-Washington relations have undergone more than a quantitative change in direction. They have undergone a qualitative change as well. America can no longer ignore or oppose the growth of the Chinese mainland. It can no longer successfully "contain" Beijing. Secondly, Washington will strive to develop a constructive and friendly relationship with Beijing. It will enable the Mainland to play a proportionate, reasonable, and responsible role. It will enable the Mainland to further integrate itself into international society and adopt international norms of conduct. The current priority is to increase strategic trust and transparency, and through a variety of mechanisms, to discuss and solve problems. The two governments differ on human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. They have different political and economic systems. They are at different stages of development. Therefore they face different structural problems. Competition between the two remains unchanged.
As this newspaper recently reported, the recent strategic and economic dialogue was heated. During his opening speech, Vice President Joe Biden blasted Beijing, saying it must cease "blatantly stealing" U.S. intellectual property on the Internet. To everyones' surprise, Biden also demanded that Beijing respect human rights, and accept international human rights norms. He said this is where the Chinese Communists and the US differ. PRC Vice Premier Wang Yang however, responded calmly. He said "(Mainland) China and the U.S. are like a married couple. A divorce could be very costly." He said "In the past we blasted U.S. imperialism. The U.S. called us Communist bandits. But the facts have shown that continued dialogue between the two is a blessing. It is advantageous to world peace and development." Perhaps Biden was talking to US listeners back home. Perhaps it was part of his strategic negotiating strategy. But the United States' arrogance is hardly worth emulating.
The outside world cannot help wondering whether freedom, democracy, and human rights are a moral value for the United States, or merely a political tool? Take the Edward Snowden case. The U.S. government is "crying thief while engaging in thievery." In the name of fighting terrorism, it is infringing upon the sovereignty of other countries. It is trampling over the privacy and human rights of its own citizens. Yet it dares to accuse others of Internet spying. If the United States attaches such great importance to democracy and human rights, why does it adhere to such double standards? Why does it engage in such gross violations of human rights in other countries? Why is it so indifferent to such violations? Over the years, the U.S. has incited countles conflicts the world over, from Egypt to Syria, from the Middle East to Central Asia's color revolutions. Have any of these countries become better? Has the United States acquired more friends, or more foes?
Finally, the Chinese Communist regime is implementing reform and liberalization. Unless this changes, unless economic growth stagnates, social unrest spreads, and Beijing-Washington relations go from cooperation to confrontation, then Mainland China will continue to grow substantially. Its international influence will increase significantly. Taiwan's international influence will decrease significantly. This is due to changes in the tripartite balance of power between Beijing, Washington, and Taipei. It is not the result of war. But our government must change its strategy and tactics. Destructive confrontation is not the way. Blindly accepting concessions is not the answer. Beijing and Washington are interacting. Taipei is happy to see further improvements in Beijing-Washington relations. Taipei has no need to choose sides. It must consider the long term interests of the Republic of China as a whole. It must also consider how Chimerica, i.e., (Mainland) China and the US, and Chiaiwan, i.e., (Mainland) China and Taiwan are evolving. It must improve cross-Strait relations in step with Beijing-Washington relations. This is the correct approach.
中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 2013.07.15
社論－跟著中美對話連動 台灣沒有選邊問題
本報訊
其實，戰略與經濟對話原本是兩件不同的事情，中美戰略對話最早始於二○○五年八月，由當時的美國副國務卿佐立克與中共外交部副部長戴秉國展開，目的在於保持、擴大雙方的合作，促進亞太和世界的和平，重點在於深化對話與互信、希望增加共識、擴大合作、加強協調與磋商。而中美經濟戰略對話則始於二○○六年十二月，由當時的中共國務院副總理吳儀和美國財政部長鮑爾森主持，討論包括航空、服務、銀行、證券、人民幣匯率、能源、環保、貿易投資、食品安全及國際經濟合作等具體經貿問題。
布希政府時期，由於其本人和新保守主義分子對中國大陸懷有強烈敵意，一度還把中共視為戰略競爭者，對兩國之間的戰略對話不表認同，只准使用資深官員對話一詞。事過境遷之後，歐巴馬政府於二○○九年開始將兩者合而為一，這代表美國思維的一大轉變。今年七月十日起一連兩天，中美雙方高層在華府舉行第五次的戰略與經濟對話。中方由大陸副總理汪洋、國務委員楊潔箎領軍，美方則由國務卿凱瑞、財政部長李烏率隊。由每次對話人員之多、級別之高、議題之廣可以看出，中美雙方關係的複雜多樣，雙方對此對話機制的重視。
歐巴馬政府的資深官員說，這項對話是美國「亞太再平衡」策略的關鍵工作之一，這次對話延續了歐巴馬與習近平一個月前加州峰會的主題，要進行更深入的討論。在戰略部分，議題包括北韓核武、敘利亞、伊朗、區域安全以及人權等。在經濟部分，美國關切大陸的匯率與利率，要和中方討論市場機制、金融改革等議題。美國官員並指出，美國關切的另一議題是智慧財產權保護，美國在意的不只是盜版軟體，也包括網路竊取商業機密。討論議題其實和過去大同小異。
從台灣的角度來看，我們認為，首先，美方同意持續雙邊戰略與經濟對話，這就意味著中美關係已由量變往質變的方向發展，美國不再能漠視大陸成長的事實，或仍以對抗、圍堵的方式對待北京。其次，美國將努力與中共發展建設性的友好關係，讓大陸扮演其力所能及、合理、負責任的角色，將其進一步融入國際主流社會，接受國際行為規範。當前重點在於加強戰略互信及透明度，透過各種機制嘗試討論和解決問題，不過，兩國在人權、民主、法治等價值觀，不同政經體制、發展階段有異方面存有結構性的問題，雙方互相競爭的本質不變。
根據本報日前來自華府報導，本次戰略與經濟對話美方一開始就火藥味十足，副總統拜登開幕演說指出，北京應停止在網路「公然竊取」美國智財權行為。除此而外，拜登也要求中共尊重人權，接受國際人權規範，並說這正是中美兩國差異之所在，而中共副總理汪洋則緩頰說，「中美像夫妻，離婚代價大」，「過去我們罵美國美帝，美國罵我們共匪諸如此類。但事實證明，長期對話對兩國不僅是幸事，也有利世界和平發展。」即或拜登談話有內政或談判策略之考量，但美國一幅盛氣凌人的樣子實在不足為訓。
於此，外界不禁要質疑的是，美國到底是把自由、民主與人權當成工具或價值？就以史諾登案而言，美國政府自己做賊喊捉賊，以反恐之名侵犯了別國主權、自己國民的隱私和人權，居然還敢振振有詞的指責別國進行網路駭客行為。如果說美國一向重視民主與人權，但為何常常又是雙重與多重標準，對某些國家違反人權的舉措有時嚴加指責，有時無動於衷，這些年來，美國在世界製造了多少紛爭，從埃及到敘利亞，由中東到中亞的顏色革命，這些國家有無變得更好，美國是朋友或敵人變得更多？
最後，我們要強調的是，除非在可預見的將來，中共政權的改革開放政策發生重大變化，經濟成長停滯，社會動盪，中美關係由合作轉為對抗，在中國大陸綜合國力已然大幅成長，國際影響力大增的情況下，台灣的影響力和價值可能受到嚴重衝擊。雖說這一切都是中美台三方實力對比變化所致，非戰之罪，不過政府也確實必須隨之調整戰略與策略，破壞衝撞固非正道，一味容忍退讓恐怕也不是辦法。在中美互動的過程中，台灣樂見中美雙方關係的進一步改善，台灣沒有選邊與否的問題，我們除了考慮中華民國的利益與整個民族的長遠發展之外，也該思考如何將Chimerica（中美）的發展趨勢與Chiaiwan（兩岸）雙邊關係的改善連動處理，這才是一個正確的作法。
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 15, 2013
Summary: Taipei must change its strategy and tactics. Destructive confrontation with Beijing is not the way. Blindly accepting concessions is not the answer. Beijing and Washington are interacting. Taipei is happy to see further improvements in Beijing-Washington relations. Taipei has no need to choose sides. It must consider the long term interests of the Republic of China as a whole. It must also consider how Chimerica, i.e., (Mainland) China and the US, and Chiaiwan, i.e., (Mainland) China and Taiwan are evolving. It must improve cross-Strait relations in step with Beijing-Washington relations. This is the correct approach.
Full text below:
Strategic and economic dialogue are different. Beijing-Washingto strategic dialogue first began in August 2005. Then US Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick and Mainland Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Dai Bingguo initiated the dialogue. Their aim was to maintain and expand bilateral cooperation, and to promote Asian-Pacific and world peace. Their focus was to expand dialogue and increase trust. They hoped to increase consensus, cooperation, coordination, and consultation. Beijing-Washington strategic economic dialogue began in December 2006. Then CCP Vice Premier Wu Yi and U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson presided. They discussed commercial aviation, services, banking, securities, the RMB exchange rate, energy, environmental protection, trade and investment, food safety, and international economic and trade cooperation.
Bush administration neoconservatives harbored powerful hostility towards the Chinese mainland. It perceived the PRC as a strategic competitor. It opposed strategic dialogue. It only tolerated dialogue between senior officials. It was overtaken by later developments. In 2009, the Obama administration combined strategic and economic dialogue into one. This represented a major change in US thinking. For two days, beginning on July 10 of this year, the two sides held their fifth meeting in Washington. Senior officials from the two sides carried out strategic and economic dialogue. Mainland Chinese representatives included Vice Premier Wang Yang, and State Councilor Yang Jiechi. United States representatives included Secretary of State John Kerry and Secretary of the Treasury Jack Lew. Each time many high-ranking officials participated. Each time they addressed a wide range of issues. As we can see, Beijing-Washingto relations are complex and diverse. Both sides attach great importance to the dialogue.
Senior Obama officials say the dialogue is one of the critical tasks in the Washington's "Asian-Pacific rebalancing strategy." The dialogue continued in California a month ago, when the Obama and Xi Jinping summit engaged in additional in-depth discussions. Strategic issues addressed included North Korean nuclear weapons, Syria, Iran, regional security, and human rights. Economic issues addressed included Mainland Chinese exchange rates and interest rates. Washington hoped to discuss market mechanisms and financial reforms. U.S. officials mentioned another concern -- protection for US "intellectual property rights." The U.S. is concerned about pirated software. It is concerned about the theft of trade secrets. The issues discussed were largely the same as in the past.
As Taipei sees it, Washington has agreed to continue bilateral strategic and economic dialogue. That means Beijing-Washington relations have undergone more than a quantitative change in direction. They have undergone a qualitative change as well. America can no longer ignore or oppose the growth of the Chinese mainland. It can no longer successfully "contain" Beijing. Secondly, Washington will strive to develop a constructive and friendly relationship with Beijing. It will enable the Mainland to play a proportionate, reasonable, and responsible role. It will enable the Mainland to further integrate itself into international society and adopt international norms of conduct. The current priority is to increase strategic trust and transparency, and through a variety of mechanisms, to discuss and solve problems. The two governments differ on human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. They have different political and economic systems. They are at different stages of development. Therefore they face different structural problems. Competition between the two remains unchanged.
As this newspaper recently reported, the recent strategic and economic dialogue was heated. During his opening speech, Vice President Joe Biden blasted Beijing, saying it must cease "blatantly stealing" U.S. intellectual property on the Internet. To everyones' surprise, Biden also demanded that Beijing respect human rights, and accept international human rights norms. He said this is where the Chinese Communists and the US differ. PRC Vice Premier Wang Yang however, responded calmly. He said "(Mainland) China and the U.S. are like a married couple. A divorce could be very costly." He said "In the past we blasted U.S. imperialism. The U.S. called us Communist bandits. But the facts have shown that continued dialogue between the two is a blessing. It is advantageous to world peace and development." Perhaps Biden was talking to US listeners back home. Perhaps it was part of his strategic negotiating strategy. But the United States' arrogance is hardly worth emulating.
The outside world cannot help wondering whether freedom, democracy, and human rights are a moral value for the United States, or merely a political tool? Take the Edward Snowden case. The U.S. government is "crying thief while engaging in thievery." In the name of fighting terrorism, it is infringing upon the sovereignty of other countries. It is trampling over the privacy and human rights of its own citizens. Yet it dares to accuse others of Internet spying. If the United States attaches such great importance to democracy and human rights, why does it adhere to such double standards? Why does it engage in such gross violations of human rights in other countries? Why is it so indifferent to such violations? Over the years, the U.S. has incited countles conflicts the world over, from Egypt to Syria, from the Middle East to Central Asia's color revolutions. Have any of these countries become better? Has the United States acquired more friends, or more foes?
Finally, the Chinese Communist regime is implementing reform and liberalization. Unless this changes, unless economic growth stagnates, social unrest spreads, and Beijing-Washington relations go from cooperation to confrontation, then Mainland China will continue to grow substantially. Its international influence will increase significantly. Taiwan's international influence will decrease significantly. This is due to changes in the tripartite balance of power between Beijing, Washington, and Taipei. It is not the result of war. But our government must change its strategy and tactics. Destructive confrontation is not the way. Blindly accepting concessions is not the answer. Beijing and Washington are interacting. Taipei is happy to see further improvements in Beijing-Washington relations. Taipei has no need to choose sides. It must consider the long term interests of the Republic of China as a whole. It must also consider how Chimerica, i.e., (Mainland) China and the US, and Chiaiwan, i.e., (Mainland) China and Taiwan are evolving. It must improve cross-Strait relations in step with Beijing-Washington relations. This is the correct approach.
中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 2013.07.15
社論－跟著中美對話連動 台灣沒有選邊問題
本報訊
其實，戰略與經濟對話原本是兩件不同的事情，中美戰略對話最早始於二○○五年八月，由當時的美國副國務卿佐立克與中共外交部副部長戴秉國展開，目的在於保持、擴大雙方的合作，促進亞太和世界的和平，重點在於深化對話與互信、希望增加共識、擴大合作、加強協調與磋商。而中美經濟戰略對話則始於二○○六年十二月，由當時的中共國務院副總理吳儀和美國財政部長鮑爾森主持，討論包括航空、服務、銀行、證券、人民幣匯率、能源、環保、貿易投資、食品安全及國際經濟合作等具體經貿問題。
布希政府時期，由於其本人和新保守主義分子對中國大陸懷有強烈敵意，一度還把中共視為戰略競爭者，對兩國之間的戰略對話不表認同，只准使用資深官員對話一詞。事過境遷之後，歐巴馬政府於二○○九年開始將兩者合而為一，這代表美國思維的一大轉變。今年七月十日起一連兩天，中美雙方高層在華府舉行第五次的戰略與經濟對話。中方由大陸副總理汪洋、國務委員楊潔箎領軍，美方則由國務卿凱瑞、財政部長李烏率隊。由每次對話人員之多、級別之高、議題之廣可以看出，中美雙方關係的複雜多樣，雙方對此對話機制的重視。
歐巴馬政府的資深官員說，這項對話是美國「亞太再平衡」策略的關鍵工作之一，這次對話延續了歐巴馬與習近平一個月前加州峰會的主題，要進行更深入的討論。在戰略部分，議題包括北韓核武、敘利亞、伊朗、區域安全以及人權等。在經濟部分，美國關切大陸的匯率與利率，要和中方討論市場機制、金融改革等議題。美國官員並指出，美國關切的另一議題是智慧財產權保護，美國在意的不只是盜版軟體，也包括網路竊取商業機密。討論議題其實和過去大同小異。
從台灣的角度來看，我們認為，首先，美方同意持續雙邊戰略與經濟對話，這就意味著中美關係已由量變往質變的方向發展，美國不再能漠視大陸成長的事實，或仍以對抗、圍堵的方式對待北京。其次，美國將努力與中共發展建設性的友好關係，讓大陸扮演其力所能及、合理、負責任的角色，將其進一步融入國際主流社會，接受國際行為規範。當前重點在於加強戰略互信及透明度，透過各種機制嘗試討論和解決問題，不過，兩國在人權、民主、法治等價值觀，不同政經體制、發展階段有異方面存有結構性的問題，雙方互相競爭的本質不變。
根據本報日前來自華府報導，本次戰略與經濟對話美方一開始就火藥味十足，副總統拜登開幕演說指出，北京應停止在網路「公然竊取」美國智財權行為。除此而外，拜登也要求中共尊重人權，接受國際人權規範，並說這正是中美兩國差異之所在，而中共副總理汪洋則緩頰說，「中美像夫妻，離婚代價大」，「過去我們罵美國美帝，美國罵我們共匪諸如此類。但事實證明，長期對話對兩國不僅是幸事，也有利世界和平發展。」即或拜登談話有內政或談判策略之考量，但美國一幅盛氣凌人的樣子實在不足為訓。
於此，外界不禁要質疑的是，美國到底是把自由、民主與人權當成工具或價值？就以史諾登案而言，美國政府自己做賊喊捉賊，以反恐之名侵犯了別國主權、自己國民的隱私和人權，居然還敢振振有詞的指責別國進行網路駭客行為。如果說美國一向重視民主與人權，但為何常常又是雙重與多重標準，對某些國家違反人權的舉措有時嚴加指責，有時無動於衷，這些年來，美國在世界製造了多少紛爭，從埃及到敘利亞，由中東到中亞的顏色革命，這些國家有無變得更好，美國是朋友或敵人變得更多？
最後，我們要強調的是，除非在可預見的將來，中共政權的改革開放政策發生重大變化，經濟成長停滯，社會動盪，中美關係由合作轉為對抗，在中國大陸綜合國力已然大幅成長，國際影響力大增的情況下，台灣的影響力和價值可能受到嚴重衝擊。雖說這一切都是中美台三方實力對比變化所致，非戰之罪，不過政府也確實必須隨之調整戰略與策略，破壞衝撞固非正道，一味容忍退讓恐怕也不是辦法。在中美互動的過程中，台灣樂見中美雙方關係的進一步改善，台灣沒有選邊與否的問題，我們除了考慮中華民國的利益與整個民族的長遠發展之外，也該思考如何將Chimerica（中美）的發展趨勢與Chiaiwan（兩岸）雙邊關係的改善連動處理，這才是一個正確的作法。
Thursday, July 11, 2013
Democratic Paradox: Taiwan Independence Weakens, Hong Kong Independence Intensifies
Democratic Paradox: Taiwan Independence Weakens, Hong Kong Independence Intensifies
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 12, 2013
Summary: People on Taiwan and in Hong Kong alike want democracy and human rights on the Mainland. Both criticize its absence. This means that Taiwan and Hong Kong still feel a "flesh and blood" kinship with the Mainland. If Taiwan, Hong Kong, and other regions of China ever perceive democracy and human rights on the Mainland as "your internal affairs," and adopt a "Why should I give a damn"" attitude, that will mark their total disillusionment and disidentification with the Mainland.
Full text below:
Over the past several months, the political atmosphere on Taiwan and in Hong Kong has undergone subtle, diametrically opposed changes. On Taiwan, Taiwan independence sentiment has clearly diminished, even as concern for democracy and human rights on the Mainland has increased. In Hong Kong, the opposite is the case. In Hong Kong, doubts have arisen about whether democracy and human rights on the Mainland have any relevance for Hong Kong. Something akin to "Hong Kong independence" has taken root.
Superficially, Taiwan has taken the road previously taken by Hong Kong, even as Hong Kong has taken the road previously taken by Taiwan. But the two phenomenon share something in common. Neither is optimistic about the prospect of democratization on Mainland China. Taiwan and Hong Kong both have grave concerns. Their concerns have become a problem for Beijing.
Green Camp spokesman Yao Jen-tuo declared, "Taiwan independence no longer has any market." Su Tseng-chang admonished the DPP, "Do not turn back the clock in order to promote Taiwan independence." Frank Hsieh spoke of "common roots, same language" and "one China, different constitutional interpretations." Hsu Hsin-liang spoke of "boldly championing one China." All these are evidence that Taiwan independence sentiment has steadily diminished.
Taiwan independence advocates were once cocksure of themselves. The DPP's response to democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland was to keep it at arms length. DPP members evinced a "well water has nothing to do with river water" mentality. They felt no "flesh and blood" identification with their Mainland compatriots. To them, the plight of the Mainland was "no skin off my ass." This mindset eventually spread to the general public on Taiwan. For example, Hong Kongers would gather in Victoria Park every June 4 to commemorate the Tiananmen Incident. But on Taiwan it was a non-event.
The DPP has begun debating whether to change its cross-Strait policy. It has spoken about "not turning back the clock in order to promote Taiwan independence." It is preparing to establish closer relations with Beijing. It has suddenly become concerned about democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland. Chen Guangchen's visit to Taiwan was no coincidence. The DPP's playing of this "human rights card" was calculated. An even more obvious indicator is the "Resolution on Human Rights in the Taiwan Strait" advanced by younger generation Green Camp leaders. It adopts a "human rights vs. sovereign rights" strategy. It shows that the DPP has changed course. Taiwan independence sentiment is diminishing. Concern for democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland is intensifying.
Hong Kong and Taiwan have taken opposite paths. The 1989 Tiananmen incident had a powerful impact on Hong Kong's 1997 retrocession to the Chinese nation. Few in Hong Kong objected to Hong Kong's "restoration to the mother country." But many were intensely concern about Beijing's treatment of democracy and human rights. Hong Kongers were alarmed and vigilant. This was apparent from their annual June 4 gatherings in Victoria Park.
But this year the situation changed. Some question the relevance of June 4th. They say "That is China's problem with democracy, not Hong Kong's." They say Hong Kong should stand on its own. They say Hong Kong should not provide Beijing with a pretext to intervene in "Hong Kong's internal affairs." This argument has not stopped others from meeting in Victoria Park. In response, these same people have challenged the protest movement's slogan "love of country, love of the people." They have argued that under one party rule, love of country equals love of the party. They want fellow protestors in Victoria Park to cease using such slogans. Hong Kong appears to be on the same road that Taiwan was on yesterday. Hong Kong is now questioning the relevance of June 4th. Some of the reasons for Taiwan's past indifference to democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland are now surfacing in Hong Kong.
This "Hong Kong independence movement" thinking is not mainstream political thought in Hong Kong. But it has had a significant shock effect. Enlightened moderates are advocating universal suffrage. Radicals are waving the "Tibetan Flag." Some protestors are even shouting "Chinese colonialists get out!" Their cries recall Taiwan independence denunciations of the ROC as a "foreign regime." Some protestors are even shouting "Down with the Hong Kong regime!" Their cries recall "Down with the Mao Zhu gang!" slogans. Some CCP officials already see these developments in Hong Kong as signs of "Hong Kong independence." Hong Kong today seems to being going down the same road Taiwan went down yesterday.
Taipei's relationship with Beijing is different from Hong Kong's relationship with Beijing. Its status is different. Its circumstances are different. People on Taiwan realize Taiwan independence is impossible. They realize they cannot sever their relationship with the Mainland. They realize they must conduct exchanges. That is why they have reverted to debating democracy and human rights. Doing so enables them to establish a communications channel as well as a buffering mechanism. Hong Kong, by contrast, is already under Mainland Chinese jurisdiction. Hong Kongers have apparently concluded that begging Mainland China to democratize within the foreseeable future is pointless. They have resorted therefore to demanding separation. They have adopted a "river water has nothing to do with well water" posture to safeguard their freedom and democracy.
The relationship between Taiwan and Mainland China is about to enter "deep water." As a result, Taiwan expects greater democracy and human rights from Beijing. Hong Kong, on the other hand, is already in "deep water." As a result, it is demaning separation. It wants to return to "shallow water." Taiwan's situation is different from Hong Kong's. But both are concerned about Beijing's attitude toward democracy and human rights. This is Beijing's responsibility. This is also Beijing's shame.
The Republic of China and the Hong Kong SAR are different. But people on Taiwan and in Hong Kong alike want democracy and human rights on the Mainland. Both criticize its absence. This means that Taiwan and Hong Kong still feel a "flesh and blood" kinship with the Mainland. If Taiwan, Hong Kong, and other regions of China ever perceive democracy and human rights on the Mainland as "your internal affairs," and adopt a "Why should I give a damn"" attitude, that will mark their total disillusionment and disidentification with the Mainland.
Taiwan independence or Hong Kong independence mean that Beijing must pursue democratic constitutional rule. It must implement "one country, one good system." It has no alternative.
民主弔詭：台獨降，港獨升？
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.12 04:08 am
這幾個月來，台灣與香港的政治氛圍出現一種微妙的反差變動。在台灣，台獨的聲勢明顯地趨於低弱，而對大陸「民主人權」的關懷則上升；在香港，卻似乎是背道而馳，對大陸民主人權的關懷受到質疑，一種被稱作「港獨」的元素卻在萌生。
就外觀上看，這似乎是台灣走上了香港以前走的路，也好像是香港走上了台灣以前走的路。但這個現象卻共同顯示，在看不到中國大陸民主化的前景之下，台灣與香港皆有深重的憂慮，這也成了北京當局的困境與難題。
最近幾個月，先有綠營文膽姚人多說「台獨建國已無市場」，接著又有蘇貞昌說「不要再走回頭路搞台獨」，再加上謝長廷的「共源同文／憲法各表」，與許信良的「大膽一中」，在在顯示著台獨的聲勢已趨低弱。
過去，在台獨氣焰較熾時，民進黨對中國大陸的民主人權關懷其實一直是保持著相當距離的；那是一種「井水不犯河水」的心態，既無「血肉相連」的感受，也就以「休問他人瓦上霜」相看待，而此種心態亦感染了台灣的民心民情。例如，香港每年六四的維多利亞公園晚會熱情不減，但六四在台灣卻是一口冷灶。
隨著民進黨開始議論兩岸政策的轉型，謂「不要再回過頭去搞台獨」，準備與中國大陸近身接觸，一時之間對大陸民主人權的關懷亦告上升。陳光誠的到訪，不能僅視為機緣巧合，民進黨對此應有打「人權牌」的算計；更明顯的指標是綠營青壯派在全代會提出《台海人權決議文》，楬櫫了「人權vs.主權」的戰略架構。從以上略論可以看出一道變化的軌跡：台獨趨低趨弱，對中國大陸民主人權的關懷卻見升高。
香港的變化則與台灣背道而馳。一九八九年的六四事件，對於當時將在一九九七「回歸」的香港產生強大衝擊。後來的香港，對「回歸祖國」未聞異聲，卻對北京的民主人權問題一直維持高度的關懷、警覺與監督，年年熱情不減的六四維園大會即是例證。
但是，情勢在今年卻出現了變化。有人發難質疑香港紀念六四的意義，稱那是「中國的民主問題，不是香港的」，香港應獨善其身，以免因紀念六四而給了北京介入「香港內政」的槓桿。此論未能阻止維園大會之舉行，於是又質疑大會「愛國愛民」的主題標語，指在「黨國一體」下，主張「愛國」即與「愛黨」不分，遂使維園晚會停用了「愛國愛民」的標語。此時的香港，是不是好像走上了台灣以前的道路？而從香港質疑紀念六四，也可看出台灣過去對中國大陸民主人權不熱衷的部分理由。
這一股被泛稱為「香港自治運動」的政治新元素，在當下的香港雖稱不上主流，卻在視聽上頗具震撼效應。其中的開明溫和派以主張普選為主題，激進派則舉起有如「西藏雪山獅子旗」一般意義的「龍獅旗」，甚至在遊行隊伍中出現「中國殖民者滾出去」（外來政權？），及「打倒港共政權」（打倒朱毛匪幫？）的巨幅標語。這些香港新生事物，已被中共有些人指為「港獨」，豈不也像走上了台灣過去的路？
在與中國大陸北京政權的關係上，台灣與香港處於不同的階段與不同的境遇。台灣似乎感知，台獨已不可能；既不能切割，必須交往，即回過頭來主張民主人權，以此建立交流的緩衝機制。另方面，香港卻已在中國的主權轄下，彷彿感知企求中國之全面民主化遙遙無期，遂轉而追求切割與分離，「河水不犯井水」，以保全香港的自由與民主。
台灣與大陸的關係將進入「深水區」，於是台灣升高了對北京民主人權表現之期待；香港則已處於「深水區」，卻希望切割、分離，回到「淺水區」。台港的境遇不同，但表現出來的皆是對於北京未能實現民主人權的憂慮與恐懼。這是北京的責任，也是北京的恥辱。
中華民國與香港特別行政區不同，但當台灣及香港對北京的民主人權表現尚有期待與批評時，這皆表示民心尚有一種「血肉相連」的感思；反之，如果到了台港等地，皆視大陸的民主人權為「誰要管你家的閒事」，即是「哀莫大於心死」。
不論是對台獨，或對港獨；北京除了努力追求民主憲治的「一國良制」，恐怕別無他法。
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 12, 2013
Summary: People on Taiwan and in Hong Kong alike want democracy and human rights on the Mainland. Both criticize its absence. This means that Taiwan and Hong Kong still feel a "flesh and blood" kinship with the Mainland. If Taiwan, Hong Kong, and other regions of China ever perceive democracy and human rights on the Mainland as "your internal affairs," and adopt a "Why should I give a damn"" attitude, that will mark their total disillusionment and disidentification with the Mainland.
Full text below:
Over the past several months, the political atmosphere on Taiwan and in Hong Kong has undergone subtle, diametrically opposed changes. On Taiwan, Taiwan independence sentiment has clearly diminished, even as concern for democracy and human rights on the Mainland has increased. In Hong Kong, the opposite is the case. In Hong Kong, doubts have arisen about whether democracy and human rights on the Mainland have any relevance for Hong Kong. Something akin to "Hong Kong independence" has taken root.
Superficially, Taiwan has taken the road previously taken by Hong Kong, even as Hong Kong has taken the road previously taken by Taiwan. But the two phenomenon share something in common. Neither is optimistic about the prospect of democratization on Mainland China. Taiwan and Hong Kong both have grave concerns. Their concerns have become a problem for Beijing.
Green Camp spokesman Yao Jen-tuo declared, "Taiwan independence no longer has any market." Su Tseng-chang admonished the DPP, "Do not turn back the clock in order to promote Taiwan independence." Frank Hsieh spoke of "common roots, same language" and "one China, different constitutional interpretations." Hsu Hsin-liang spoke of "boldly championing one China." All these are evidence that Taiwan independence sentiment has steadily diminished.
Taiwan independence advocates were once cocksure of themselves. The DPP's response to democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland was to keep it at arms length. DPP members evinced a "well water has nothing to do with river water" mentality. They felt no "flesh and blood" identification with their Mainland compatriots. To them, the plight of the Mainland was "no skin off my ass." This mindset eventually spread to the general public on Taiwan. For example, Hong Kongers would gather in Victoria Park every June 4 to commemorate the Tiananmen Incident. But on Taiwan it was a non-event.
The DPP has begun debating whether to change its cross-Strait policy. It has spoken about "not turning back the clock in order to promote Taiwan independence." It is preparing to establish closer relations with Beijing. It has suddenly become concerned about democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland. Chen Guangchen's visit to Taiwan was no coincidence. The DPP's playing of this "human rights card" was calculated. An even more obvious indicator is the "Resolution on Human Rights in the Taiwan Strait" advanced by younger generation Green Camp leaders. It adopts a "human rights vs. sovereign rights" strategy. It shows that the DPP has changed course. Taiwan independence sentiment is diminishing. Concern for democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland is intensifying.
Hong Kong and Taiwan have taken opposite paths. The 1989 Tiananmen incident had a powerful impact on Hong Kong's 1997 retrocession to the Chinese nation. Few in Hong Kong objected to Hong Kong's "restoration to the mother country." But many were intensely concern about Beijing's treatment of democracy and human rights. Hong Kongers were alarmed and vigilant. This was apparent from their annual June 4 gatherings in Victoria Park.
But this year the situation changed. Some question the relevance of June 4th. They say "That is China's problem with democracy, not Hong Kong's." They say Hong Kong should stand on its own. They say Hong Kong should not provide Beijing with a pretext to intervene in "Hong Kong's internal affairs." This argument has not stopped others from meeting in Victoria Park. In response, these same people have challenged the protest movement's slogan "love of country, love of the people." They have argued that under one party rule, love of country equals love of the party. They want fellow protestors in Victoria Park to cease using such slogans. Hong Kong appears to be on the same road that Taiwan was on yesterday. Hong Kong is now questioning the relevance of June 4th. Some of the reasons for Taiwan's past indifference to democracy and human rights on the Chinese mainland are now surfacing in Hong Kong.
This "Hong Kong independence movement" thinking is not mainstream political thought in Hong Kong. But it has had a significant shock effect. Enlightened moderates are advocating universal suffrage. Radicals are waving the "Tibetan Flag." Some protestors are even shouting "Chinese colonialists get out!" Their cries recall Taiwan independence denunciations of the ROC as a "foreign regime." Some protestors are even shouting "Down with the Hong Kong regime!" Their cries recall "Down with the Mao Zhu gang!" slogans. Some CCP officials already see these developments in Hong Kong as signs of "Hong Kong independence." Hong Kong today seems to being going down the same road Taiwan went down yesterday.
Taipei's relationship with Beijing is different from Hong Kong's relationship with Beijing. Its status is different. Its circumstances are different. People on Taiwan realize Taiwan independence is impossible. They realize they cannot sever their relationship with the Mainland. They realize they must conduct exchanges. That is why they have reverted to debating democracy and human rights. Doing so enables them to establish a communications channel as well as a buffering mechanism. Hong Kong, by contrast, is already under Mainland Chinese jurisdiction. Hong Kongers have apparently concluded that begging Mainland China to democratize within the foreseeable future is pointless. They have resorted therefore to demanding separation. They have adopted a "river water has nothing to do with well water" posture to safeguard their freedom and democracy.
The relationship between Taiwan and Mainland China is about to enter "deep water." As a result, Taiwan expects greater democracy and human rights from Beijing. Hong Kong, on the other hand, is already in "deep water." As a result, it is demaning separation. It wants to return to "shallow water." Taiwan's situation is different from Hong Kong's. But both are concerned about Beijing's attitude toward democracy and human rights. This is Beijing's responsibility. This is also Beijing's shame.
The Republic of China and the Hong Kong SAR are different. But people on Taiwan and in Hong Kong alike want democracy and human rights on the Mainland. Both criticize its absence. This means that Taiwan and Hong Kong still feel a "flesh and blood" kinship with the Mainland. If Taiwan, Hong Kong, and other regions of China ever perceive democracy and human rights on the Mainland as "your internal affairs," and adopt a "Why should I give a damn"" attitude, that will mark their total disillusionment and disidentification with the Mainland.
Taiwan independence or Hong Kong independence mean that Beijing must pursue democratic constitutional rule. It must implement "one country, one good system." It has no alternative.
民主弔詭：台獨降，港獨升？
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.12 04:08 am
這幾個月來，台灣與香港的政治氛圍出現一種微妙的反差變動。在台灣，台獨的聲勢明顯地趨於低弱，而對大陸「民主人權」的關懷則上升；在香港，卻似乎是背道而馳，對大陸民主人權的關懷受到質疑，一種被稱作「港獨」的元素卻在萌生。
就外觀上看，這似乎是台灣走上了香港以前走的路，也好像是香港走上了台灣以前走的路。但這個現象卻共同顯示，在看不到中國大陸民主化的前景之下，台灣與香港皆有深重的憂慮，這也成了北京當局的困境與難題。
最近幾個月，先有綠營文膽姚人多說「台獨建國已無市場」，接著又有蘇貞昌說「不要再走回頭路搞台獨」，再加上謝長廷的「共源同文／憲法各表」，與許信良的「大膽一中」，在在顯示著台獨的聲勢已趨低弱。
過去，在台獨氣焰較熾時，民進黨對中國大陸的民主人權關懷其實一直是保持著相當距離的；那是一種「井水不犯河水」的心態，既無「血肉相連」的感受，也就以「休問他人瓦上霜」相看待，而此種心態亦感染了台灣的民心民情。例如，香港每年六四的維多利亞公園晚會熱情不減，但六四在台灣卻是一口冷灶。
隨著民進黨開始議論兩岸政策的轉型，謂「不要再回過頭去搞台獨」，準備與中國大陸近身接觸，一時之間對大陸民主人權的關懷亦告上升。陳光誠的到訪，不能僅視為機緣巧合，民進黨對此應有打「人權牌」的算計；更明顯的指標是綠營青壯派在全代會提出《台海人權決議文》，楬櫫了「人權vs.主權」的戰略架構。從以上略論可以看出一道變化的軌跡：台獨趨低趨弱，對中國大陸民主人權的關懷卻見升高。
香港的變化則與台灣背道而馳。一九八九年的六四事件，對於當時將在一九九七「回歸」的香港產生強大衝擊。後來的香港，對「回歸祖國」未聞異聲，卻對北京的民主人權問題一直維持高度的關懷、警覺與監督，年年熱情不減的六四維園大會即是例證。
但是，情勢在今年卻出現了變化。有人發難質疑香港紀念六四的意義，稱那是「中國的民主問題，不是香港的」，香港應獨善其身，以免因紀念六四而給了北京介入「香港內政」的槓桿。此論未能阻止維園大會之舉行，於是又質疑大會「愛國愛民」的主題標語，指在「黨國一體」下，主張「愛國」即與「愛黨」不分，遂使維園晚會停用了「愛國愛民」的標語。此時的香港，是不是好像走上了台灣以前的道路？而從香港質疑紀念六四，也可看出台灣過去對中國大陸民主人權不熱衷的部分理由。
這一股被泛稱為「香港自治運動」的政治新元素，在當下的香港雖稱不上主流，卻在視聽上頗具震撼效應。其中的開明溫和派以主張普選為主題，激進派則舉起有如「西藏雪山獅子旗」一般意義的「龍獅旗」，甚至在遊行隊伍中出現「中國殖民者滾出去」（外來政權？），及「打倒港共政權」（打倒朱毛匪幫？）的巨幅標語。這些香港新生事物，已被中共有些人指為「港獨」，豈不也像走上了台灣過去的路？
在與中國大陸北京政權的關係上，台灣與香港處於不同的階段與不同的境遇。台灣似乎感知，台獨已不可能；既不能切割，必須交往，即回過頭來主張民主人權，以此建立交流的緩衝機制。另方面，香港卻已在中國的主權轄下，彷彿感知企求中國之全面民主化遙遙無期，遂轉而追求切割與分離，「河水不犯井水」，以保全香港的自由與民主。
台灣與大陸的關係將進入「深水區」，於是台灣升高了對北京民主人權表現之期待；香港則已處於「深水區」，卻希望切割、分離，回到「淺水區」。台港的境遇不同，但表現出來的皆是對於北京未能實現民主人權的憂慮與恐懼。這是北京的責任，也是北京的恥辱。
中華民國與香港特別行政區不同，但當台灣及香港對北京的民主人權表現尚有期待與批評時，這皆表示民心尚有一種「血肉相連」的感思；反之，如果到了台港等地，皆視大陸的民主人權為「誰要管你家的閒事」，即是「哀莫大於心死」。
不論是對台獨，或對港獨；北京除了努力追求民主憲治的「一國良制」，恐怕別無他法。
Wednesday, July 10, 2013
Taiwan New Zealand FTA: First the Mainland, then the World
Taiwan New Zealand FTA: First the Mainland, then the World
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 11, 2013
Summary: The Economic Cooperation Agreement between Taipei and Wellington has been signed without a hitch. Cross-Strait relations should have no trouble keeping up with the times. Taipei's desire to join the TPP and RCEP will no longer be a distant dream.
Full text below:
Yesterday the Republic of China and New Zealand signed an Economic Cooperation Agreement (ECA). This is the first free trade agreement (FTA) signed with a developed nation or a nation with which Taipei lacks diplomatic relations. The agreement has considerable symbolic significance. Taipei and Beijing recently signed TISA. The signing of the ECA between Taipei and Wellington was completed without a hitch. This may soon be followed by an Economic Partnership Agreement (ASTEP) between Taipei and Singapore. These agreements prove that the Ma administration's "First the Mainland, then the World" strategy was correct and feasible.
New Zealand is Taiwan's fourth largest trading partner. Bilateral trade volume is not large. Last year trade amounted to 1.2 billion US. Taiwan's imports from New Zealand are mostly dairy products, fruit, frozen beef and mutton, and other agricultural products. Taiwan's exports to New Zealand are mainly petroleum products, machine parts, bicycles, and other industrial products.
Once the Taipei Wellington Economic Cooperation Agreement goes into effect, tariffs will be gradually reduced over a 12 year period. According to estimates, GDP will increase approximately 600 million US. Total employment will increase 6,200 person years. Manufacturing will increase 0.19%. Services output will increase 0.06%. These sectors are the principal beneficiaries. Agricultural output will be reduced by 0.29%. This sector will be the most negatively impacted. But as experts have pointed out, New Zealand is in the southern hemisphere. Their agricultural seasons are the opposite of Taiwan's. New Zealand's agricultural products are subject to tariff quotas or sub-annual tariff reductions. Products imported to Taiwan from Chile and Australia may be squeezed out. Therefore, the initial impact will be limited. Nevertheless, opening up Taiwan to agricultural imports is a sensitive issue. The authorities must communicate with farmers and the legislature to minimize controversy.
The Economic Cooperation Agreements between Taipei and Wellington, and between Taipei and Singapore have been signed without a hitch. The two countries account for only a small percentage of ROC foreign trade. But internally, the two agreements underscore the government's determination to promote FTAs. They also reduce public concerns about the TISA agreement between Taipei and Beijing. Externally, they may reduce other countries' political concerns over FTAs with Taipei. This is highly significant. Now our greatest concern is what should the government do next? With which countries should it negotiate FTAs? How can it promote Taipei's participation in the TPP (Trans-Pacific Strategic Partnership Agreement) and the RCEP (regional comprehensive economic partnership)?
Beijing sees signing FTAs and participating in regional economic integration as the prerogative of a sovereign state. By exercising that prerogative, Beijing has established two political prerequisites for Taipei. One. Taipei must first conclude negotiations over ECFA and related agreements with Beijing. It must establish a free trade relationship across the Taiwan Strait. Two. Before Taipei negotiates and signs FTAs with others, it must first sign FTAs with Beijing. So far Beijing has signed FTAs with Pakistan, Chile, Peru, Costa Rica, Iceland, and Switzerland. In 2010 Hong Kong and Wellington signed a Closer Economic Partnership Agreement. Therefore from Beijing's perspective, once Taipei and Bejing signed TISA, the way was cleared for Taipei and Wellington to sign an ECA. The ASTEP signed between Taipei and Singapore was also acceptable to the Mainland. If it can be signed before the trade in goods agreement between Taipei and Beijing, then Beijing will have offered Taipei a gesture of goodwill.
The first batch of countries Taipei will negotiate FTAs with will of course be its main trading partners. These include the United States, the EU, Japan and the ASEAN countries, but not Singapore. Beijing's political framework however, may impose limits. Some have noted that the government intends to sign FTAs with Chile and Switzerland. Switzerland signed an FTA with Beijing only recently, on July 1 of this year. Chile and Switzerland conduct less trade with us than New Zealand and Singapore. Yet negotiations were more time-consuming. Taiwan's exports have been negatively impacted by South Korea's FTAs with other countries. South Korea is the ROC's primary rival. The ROC's FTAs with Chile and Switzerland are clearly not enough to increase our competitiveness vis a vis South Korea.
We must ensure that our "First the Mainland, then the World" strategy continues to bear fruit. The Ma administration must breakthrough and join the TPP and the RCEP. In late May, Beijing's Taiwan Affairs Office Director Zhang Zhijun told the United Daily News the solution includes two keys. One. Quickly conclude ECFA follow-up negotiations, and increase cross-Strait economic cooperation. Two. Improve cross-Strait communications, because the process of communication is simultaneously the process of establishing cross-Strait political trust. Zhang Zhijun's statement did not depart from the Mainland's political framework. But it underscored a degree of flexibility in Beijing's approach to problem solving and policy formulation.
The Ma administration should accelerate negotiations over the cross-Strait trade in goods agreement and dispute settlement mechanisms. The highest priority is public peace of mind. The administration must ensure the smooth implementation of a full range cross-Strait policy blueprint, TISA, and a cross-Strait trade in goods agreement.
The government must remain forward-looking and pragmatic. It hopes to join the TPP and RCEP. It must improve cross-Strait communication. It must facilitate multipary dialogue and communication. It must emphasize the "big roof concept of China." It must promote regional cooperation and mutual trust. It must ensure Taipei's participation in regional economic integration.
The Economic Cooperation Agreement between Taipei and Wellington has been signed without a hitch. Cross-Strait relations should have no trouble keeping up with the times. Taipei's desire to join the TPP and RCEP will no longer be a distant dream.
台紐FTA：從中國大陸走向世界的實踐
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.11 03:47 am
我國和紐西蘭昨日簽署台紐經濟合作協定（ＥＣＡ），這是我國與已開發國家及無邦交國簽署的第一個自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ），具有可貴的指標性意義。兩岸甫簽署服貿協議，台紐ＥＣＡ即順利達陣，緊接著台星經濟夥伴協議（ＡＳＴＥＰ）近期亦可能簽署，足證馬政府「從中國大陸走向世界」的策略是一條正確可行之路。
紐西蘭是台灣第四十大貿易夥伴，雙邊貿易額不大，去年貿易總額為十二億多美元。台灣自紐國進口主要為乳製品、水果、冷凍牛羊肉等農產品，出口至紐國主要為石油煉製品、機器零件、腳踏車等工業產品。
台紐經合協定生效後，將分十二年執行降稅承諾。據評估，國內總產值由此將增加約六億美元，總就業增加六千二百多人次；製造業和服務業產值將分別增加○‧一九％與○‧○六％，是主要受益部門；農業產值則將減少○‧二九％，是主要受衝擊部門。但專家指出，紐國位處南半球，其農產品與台灣產季恰好相反，且紐國農產品均採關稅配額或分年降稅，並可能先排擠台灣自智利、澳洲進口之產品，因此初期影響有限。儘管如此，開放農產品進口事涉敏感，主管機關仍須和農民與立法院充分溝通，才能減少不必要的爭議。
台紐經合協定順利洽簽及台星經濟協議即將達陣，儘管兩國占我國對外貿易比重不大，但對內而言，兩項協議可宣示政府推動ＦＴＡ的決心，也有助降低社會對兩岸服貿協議的疑慮；對外而言，則可降低其他國家和台灣洽簽ＦＴＡ的政治疑慮，意義重大。現在，大家最關切的是：政府下一步要如何？可以和哪些國家洽簽ＦＴＡ？如何推動台灣參加ＴＰＰ（跨太平洋戰略夥伴協定）及ＲＣＥＰ（區域全面經濟夥伴關係）？
不必諱言，北京視簽訂ＦＴＡ及參加區域經濟整合為主權國家行為，因此對台灣設下兩項政治前提：一是台灣須先和大陸完成ＥＣＦＡ及後續相關談判，建立兩岸自由貿易關係；二是限制台灣洽簽ＦＴＡ對象必須先和大陸完成ＦＴＡ簽署。大陸迄今已和巴基斯坦、智利、秘魯、哥斯大黎加、冰島、瑞士等簽署ＦＴＡ，香港亦於二○一○年和紐西蘭簽署港紐緊密經貿合作協定；因此，在兩岸服貿協議簽署後，就北京立場，台紐ＥＣＡ上路最是順理成章。台星ＡＳＴＥＰ亦是大陸可接受範圍，若簽署時間能先於兩岸貨品貿易協議，則可視為北京對台灣釋出的善意。
台灣和個別國家洽簽ＦＴＡ的下一波對象，首選當然是主要貿易對手包括美國、歐盟、日本及新加坡以外的東協國家。惟因受限大陸政治框架，據指出，政府有意以智利及今年七月一日才和大陸簽署ＦＴＡ的瑞士為對象。然而，兩國占台灣對外貿易比重較紐、星更小，且談判曠日廢時，對解決台灣出口競爭力受主要競爭對手南韓等積極洽簽ＦＴＡ所造成的衝擊，顯然緩不濟急。
有鑑於此，為確保「從中國大陸走向世界」策略能夠持續開花結果，下一階段馬政府勢須在加入ＴＰＰ及ＲＣＥＰ上尋求突破。大陸國台辦主任張志軍五月下旬接受聯合報系專訪時點出解決問題的兩個關鍵：一是加速完成兩岸ＥＣＦＡ後續談判，深化兩岸經濟合作；二是雙方應該先溝通，溝通過程也是建立兩岸政治互信的過程。張志軍談話雖未脫大陸設定的政治框架，但也指出北京對解決問題的政策思維和一定彈性。
我們認為，在現階段，馬政府除應加速完成兩岸貨品貿易及爭端解決機制談判外，最重要的是要提出一套可以安定社會民心、全方位的兩岸政策規劃藍圖，以利兩岸服貿協議乃至未來貨品貿易協議在國內能順利落實推動。
另一方面，政府須秉持前瞻務實原則，擬定加入ＴＰＰ及ＲＣＥＰ的路徑圖，並及早規劃啟動兩岸溝通工程，從建構多元的對話及溝通平台著手，一方面強化在「一中屋頂」下攜手推動區域合作的政治互信，另方面就台灣參與區域經濟整合的可行方式凝聚廣泛共識。
從台紐經合協定順利簽署，我們相信，兩岸關係可以與時俱進，台灣加入ＴＰＰ及ＲＣＥＰ將不再是遙不可及的夢想。
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 11, 2013
Summary: The Economic Cooperation Agreement between Taipei and Wellington has been signed without a hitch. Cross-Strait relations should have no trouble keeping up with the times. Taipei's desire to join the TPP and RCEP will no longer be a distant dream.
Full text below:
Yesterday the Republic of China and New Zealand signed an Economic Cooperation Agreement (ECA). This is the first free trade agreement (FTA) signed with a developed nation or a nation with which Taipei lacks diplomatic relations. The agreement has considerable symbolic significance. Taipei and Beijing recently signed TISA. The signing of the ECA between Taipei and Wellington was completed without a hitch. This may soon be followed by an Economic Partnership Agreement (ASTEP) between Taipei and Singapore. These agreements prove that the Ma administration's "First the Mainland, then the World" strategy was correct and feasible.
New Zealand is Taiwan's fourth largest trading partner. Bilateral trade volume is not large. Last year trade amounted to 1.2 billion US. Taiwan's imports from New Zealand are mostly dairy products, fruit, frozen beef and mutton, and other agricultural products. Taiwan's exports to New Zealand are mainly petroleum products, machine parts, bicycles, and other industrial products.
Once the Taipei Wellington Economic Cooperation Agreement goes into effect, tariffs will be gradually reduced over a 12 year period. According to estimates, GDP will increase approximately 600 million US. Total employment will increase 6,200 person years. Manufacturing will increase 0.19%. Services output will increase 0.06%. These sectors are the principal beneficiaries. Agricultural output will be reduced by 0.29%. This sector will be the most negatively impacted. But as experts have pointed out, New Zealand is in the southern hemisphere. Their agricultural seasons are the opposite of Taiwan's. New Zealand's agricultural products are subject to tariff quotas or sub-annual tariff reductions. Products imported to Taiwan from Chile and Australia may be squeezed out. Therefore, the initial impact will be limited. Nevertheless, opening up Taiwan to agricultural imports is a sensitive issue. The authorities must communicate with farmers and the legislature to minimize controversy.
The Economic Cooperation Agreements between Taipei and Wellington, and between Taipei and Singapore have been signed without a hitch. The two countries account for only a small percentage of ROC foreign trade. But internally, the two agreements underscore the government's determination to promote FTAs. They also reduce public concerns about the TISA agreement between Taipei and Beijing. Externally, they may reduce other countries' political concerns over FTAs with Taipei. This is highly significant. Now our greatest concern is what should the government do next? With which countries should it negotiate FTAs? How can it promote Taipei's participation in the TPP (Trans-Pacific Strategic Partnership Agreement) and the RCEP (regional comprehensive economic partnership)?
Beijing sees signing FTAs and participating in regional economic integration as the prerogative of a sovereign state. By exercising that prerogative, Beijing has established two political prerequisites for Taipei. One. Taipei must first conclude negotiations over ECFA and related agreements with Beijing. It must establish a free trade relationship across the Taiwan Strait. Two. Before Taipei negotiates and signs FTAs with others, it must first sign FTAs with Beijing. So far Beijing has signed FTAs with Pakistan, Chile, Peru, Costa Rica, Iceland, and Switzerland. In 2010 Hong Kong and Wellington signed a Closer Economic Partnership Agreement. Therefore from Beijing's perspective, once Taipei and Bejing signed TISA, the way was cleared for Taipei and Wellington to sign an ECA. The ASTEP signed between Taipei and Singapore was also acceptable to the Mainland. If it can be signed before the trade in goods agreement between Taipei and Beijing, then Beijing will have offered Taipei a gesture of goodwill.
The first batch of countries Taipei will negotiate FTAs with will of course be its main trading partners. These include the United States, the EU, Japan and the ASEAN countries, but not Singapore. Beijing's political framework however, may impose limits. Some have noted that the government intends to sign FTAs with Chile and Switzerland. Switzerland signed an FTA with Beijing only recently, on July 1 of this year. Chile and Switzerland conduct less trade with us than New Zealand and Singapore. Yet negotiations were more time-consuming. Taiwan's exports have been negatively impacted by South Korea's FTAs with other countries. South Korea is the ROC's primary rival. The ROC's FTAs with Chile and Switzerland are clearly not enough to increase our competitiveness vis a vis South Korea.
We must ensure that our "First the Mainland, then the World" strategy continues to bear fruit. The Ma administration must breakthrough and join the TPP and the RCEP. In late May, Beijing's Taiwan Affairs Office Director Zhang Zhijun told the United Daily News the solution includes two keys. One. Quickly conclude ECFA follow-up negotiations, and increase cross-Strait economic cooperation. Two. Improve cross-Strait communications, because the process of communication is simultaneously the process of establishing cross-Strait political trust. Zhang Zhijun's statement did not depart from the Mainland's political framework. But it underscored a degree of flexibility in Beijing's approach to problem solving and policy formulation.
The Ma administration should accelerate negotiations over the cross-Strait trade in goods agreement and dispute settlement mechanisms. The highest priority is public peace of mind. The administration must ensure the smooth implementation of a full range cross-Strait policy blueprint, TISA, and a cross-Strait trade in goods agreement.
The government must remain forward-looking and pragmatic. It hopes to join the TPP and RCEP. It must improve cross-Strait communication. It must facilitate multipary dialogue and communication. It must emphasize the "big roof concept of China." It must promote regional cooperation and mutual trust. It must ensure Taipei's participation in regional economic integration.
The Economic Cooperation Agreement between Taipei and Wellington has been signed without a hitch. Cross-Strait relations should have no trouble keeping up with the times. Taipei's desire to join the TPP and RCEP will no longer be a distant dream.
台紐FTA：從中國大陸走向世界的實踐
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.11 03:47 am
我國和紐西蘭昨日簽署台紐經濟合作協定（ＥＣＡ），這是我國與已開發國家及無邦交國簽署的第一個自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ），具有可貴的指標性意義。兩岸甫簽署服貿協議，台紐ＥＣＡ即順利達陣，緊接著台星經濟夥伴協議（ＡＳＴＥＰ）近期亦可能簽署，足證馬政府「從中國大陸走向世界」的策略是一條正確可行之路。
紐西蘭是台灣第四十大貿易夥伴，雙邊貿易額不大，去年貿易總額為十二億多美元。台灣自紐國進口主要為乳製品、水果、冷凍牛羊肉等農產品，出口至紐國主要為石油煉製品、機器零件、腳踏車等工業產品。
台紐經合協定生效後，將分十二年執行降稅承諾。據評估，國內總產值由此將增加約六億美元，總就業增加六千二百多人次；製造業和服務業產值將分別增加○‧一九％與○‧○六％，是主要受益部門；農業產值則將減少○‧二九％，是主要受衝擊部門。但專家指出，紐國位處南半球，其農產品與台灣產季恰好相反，且紐國農產品均採關稅配額或分年降稅，並可能先排擠台灣自智利、澳洲進口之產品，因此初期影響有限。儘管如此，開放農產品進口事涉敏感，主管機關仍須和農民與立法院充分溝通，才能減少不必要的爭議。
台紐經合協定順利洽簽及台星經濟協議即將達陣，儘管兩國占我國對外貿易比重不大，但對內而言，兩項協議可宣示政府推動ＦＴＡ的決心，也有助降低社會對兩岸服貿協議的疑慮；對外而言，則可降低其他國家和台灣洽簽ＦＴＡ的政治疑慮，意義重大。現在，大家最關切的是：政府下一步要如何？可以和哪些國家洽簽ＦＴＡ？如何推動台灣參加ＴＰＰ（跨太平洋戰略夥伴協定）及ＲＣＥＰ（區域全面經濟夥伴關係）？
不必諱言，北京視簽訂ＦＴＡ及參加區域經濟整合為主權國家行為，因此對台灣設下兩項政治前提：一是台灣須先和大陸完成ＥＣＦＡ及後續相關談判，建立兩岸自由貿易關係；二是限制台灣洽簽ＦＴＡ對象必須先和大陸完成ＦＴＡ簽署。大陸迄今已和巴基斯坦、智利、秘魯、哥斯大黎加、冰島、瑞士等簽署ＦＴＡ，香港亦於二○一○年和紐西蘭簽署港紐緊密經貿合作協定；因此，在兩岸服貿協議簽署後，就北京立場，台紐ＥＣＡ上路最是順理成章。台星ＡＳＴＥＰ亦是大陸可接受範圍，若簽署時間能先於兩岸貨品貿易協議，則可視為北京對台灣釋出的善意。
台灣和個別國家洽簽ＦＴＡ的下一波對象，首選當然是主要貿易對手包括美國、歐盟、日本及新加坡以外的東協國家。惟因受限大陸政治框架，據指出，政府有意以智利及今年七月一日才和大陸簽署ＦＴＡ的瑞士為對象。然而，兩國占台灣對外貿易比重較紐、星更小，且談判曠日廢時，對解決台灣出口競爭力受主要競爭對手南韓等積極洽簽ＦＴＡ所造成的衝擊，顯然緩不濟急。
有鑑於此，為確保「從中國大陸走向世界」策略能夠持續開花結果，下一階段馬政府勢須在加入ＴＰＰ及ＲＣＥＰ上尋求突破。大陸國台辦主任張志軍五月下旬接受聯合報系專訪時點出解決問題的兩個關鍵：一是加速完成兩岸ＥＣＦＡ後續談判，深化兩岸經濟合作；二是雙方應該先溝通，溝通過程也是建立兩岸政治互信的過程。張志軍談話雖未脫大陸設定的政治框架，但也指出北京對解決問題的政策思維和一定彈性。
我們認為，在現階段，馬政府除應加速完成兩岸貨品貿易及爭端解決機制談判外，最重要的是要提出一套可以安定社會民心、全方位的兩岸政策規劃藍圖，以利兩岸服貿協議乃至未來貨品貿易協議在國內能順利落實推動。
另一方面，政府須秉持前瞻務實原則，擬定加入ＴＰＰ及ＲＣＥＰ的路徑圖，並及早規劃啟動兩岸溝通工程，從建構多元的對話及溝通平台著手，一方面強化在「一中屋頂」下攜手推動區域合作的政治互信，另方面就台灣參與區域經濟整合的可行方式凝聚廣泛共識。
從台紐經合協定順利簽署，我們相信，兩岸關係可以與時俱進，台灣加入ＴＰＰ及ＲＣＥＰ將不再是遙不可及的夢想。
Tuesday, July 9, 2013
Su-Wei Hsieh Unafraid of Being Jinxed, Taiwan Should Cease Deluding Itself
Su-Wei Hsieh Unafraid of Being Jinxed, Taiwan Should Cease Deluding Itself
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 10, 2013
Summary: Su-Wei Hsieh said she was unafraid of being jinxed. She was unafraid to shake hands with the president. She shook the "handshake of death" long ago. Her words may have had an edge. But they also had a logic of their own. She said, "I am afraid only of my own inadequacies. External opponents are not my enemy."
Full Text below:
Su-Wei Hsieh said she was unafraid of being jinxed. She was unafraid to shake hands with the president. She shook the "handshake of death" long ago. Her words may have had an edge. But they also had a logic of their own. She said, "I am afraid only of my own inadequacies. External opponents are not my enemy."
Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai formed a "Straits Duo" that won the Wimbledon women's doubles championship. They immediately became the subject of widespread attention. They received a congratulatory message from the president. A winery in Qinghai offered Su-Wei Hsieh 50 million RMB to change her place of residency. Her tennis partner Peng Shuai mentioned in passing that she "could not accept the notion that Taiwan is a country." This struck a raw nerve in some listeners. In response, Legislative Yuan President Wang Jin-pyng and Education Minister Chiang Wei-ning immediately persuaded the business community to raise 200 million dollars, overnight, and establish a corporate sports fund.
That entrepreneurs are willing to sponsor sports is cause for celebration. But they waited until the government called upon them before making donations. They left the impression that the donations were not made on their own inititative, and that they were not terribly enthusiastic about the entire affair. By contrast, a winery in faraway Qinghai already had its eye on Su-Wei Hsieh. It made her an offer even before her Wimbledon victory. Why do Taiwanese entrepreneurs have little desire to make such investments? Do they lack foresight? They wait until someone else makes a bid. Only then do they want in on the action. Only then do they engage in a bidding war. These political investments, motivated by their desire to protect a "native brand," undermine their claims that they "cherish talent."
Taiwan society is in the habit of feeding anything and everything into the political meat grinder. The possibility that Su-Wei Hsieh may change her place of residency has become an issue. Peng Shuai's inability to accept "Taiwan as a country" also touched a raw nerve for some. Frank Hsieh lashed back. He said "My country is called the Republic of China." Frank Hsieh's declaration was gutsy. But shouldn't he have made this declaration before his Green Camp comrades and grassroots supporters? Shouldn't he have waited to see what reaction this elicited? Peng Shuai is one of the first individual champions on the Mainland's national team. She broke with convention and teamed up with Su-Wei Hsieh to form the Straits Duo. She is subject to scrutiny and pressure difficult for outsiders to appreciate. Does Frank Hsieh want to engage in a contest of bravado? If so, perhaps he should compete against Peng Shuai and see who blinks first.
Champions like Su-Wei Hsieh compete under the international spotlight. They have already achieved self-sufficiency with their cash prizes. So-called corporate sponsorships or endorsements are merely quid pro quos. It is enough that both parties profit from them. Those who really need support and sponsorship, are those who have only begun to display their potential. These players are still struggling. They need help during training and competition. Coaching fees and travel expenses impose a heavy burden on their families. They need outside assistance. Su-Wei Hsieh's siblings belong in this category. Entrepreneurs may be unsure whether to support a particular sport or a particular athlete. If so, why not contribute to an athletic fund and allow the fund to benefit a wide range of sports and athletes? Why not support budding talent in a variety of sports?
Will Su-Wei Hsieh accept the offer from a Qinghai winery, and change her residency? We think she will choose what is best for her. This is no one else's concern. Wang Chien-ming and Chen Wei-yin wanted to play professional baseball in the United States. The Yang Tai-kang brothers wanted to play baseball in Japan. Jeremy Lin was not even born in Taiwan. Yet he was labeled "Taiwan's Shining Light." For professional ball players at the international level, changing one's residency in response to career choices or changes in sponsorship is inevitable. In recent years many ROC national basketball team members have moved to the Mainland. Billiards prodigy Wu Chia-ching, unable to move to Singapore, wound up on Mainland China. She wound up making many times what she would have made on Taiwan. Players elevate their status and broaden their name recognition by moving to larger markets with more competitors. This is something to celebrate. In an era of globalization, why must Taiwan impose artificial limits on itself?
If a player from Taiwan joins a United States or Japanese team, don't we applaud? Don't we consider it an honor? Don't we congratulate the player? Therefore when a player moves to the Mainland, why do we consider it an insult, or find the move hard to swallow? Given Su-Wei Hsieh's character, will she really seal her lips and never again mention that she came from Taiwan? The winery in Qinghai is willing to have players from Taiwan display its trademark throughout the world. Should people on Taiwan respond by refusing to recognize their native daughter from Hsinchu, this Star of Taiwan?
Taiwan's political curse is its unrelenting self-delusion and self-debilitation. It is clear that in an era of globalization, people may go wherever they please. But as soon as someone's destination is the Chinese mainland, we suddenly pull our heads back into our shells like turtles. Fortunately, Su-Wei Hsieh is unafraid of being jinxed. She was blunt. "I am unwilling to play political games along with everyone else. Sports is sports." She knows full well that had she played by Taiwan's political rules, she would never have won her doubles championship.
A great champion constantly challenges herself. A sophisticated audience constantly broadens its perspective and opens its heart.
謝淑薇不怕魔咒，台灣勿自我催眠
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.10 01:49 am
謝淑薇說，她不怕魔咒，不怕跟總統握手，「死亡之握」早就握過了。話說得麻辣，倒自有她的道理，她說：「我只怕我自己，外面的敵人都不是敵人！」
謝淑薇和彭帥的「海峽雙打」得到溫布頓女雙冠軍，馬上話題一堆。從總統賀電，到青海一家酒廠以五千萬元招手要謝淑薇換籍，再到搭檔彭帥拋出一句「不能接受台灣是一個國家」，挑動人們的敏感神經。也因此，立法院長王金平和教長蔣偉寧立即號召企業，一夕募到了兩億元，要成立企業捐助體育平台。
企業界樂於贊助運動，是值得欣喜的事；但要等到政府號召才出手捐款，總讓人覺得不夠積極，也感受不到那股熱情。試想，遠在青海的酒廠早就看上謝淑薇，且是在她打出溫布頓冠軍之前出手；為什麼台灣企業家就沒有這種投資或愛才的眼光？等到別人出了價，才想到要去搶人還價，這種為保衛「本土招牌」而做的政治投資，不免減損了幾分「惜才」的美意。
台灣社會有一種特殊本能，能把所有事情都放進「政治絞肉機」去分解。除了謝淑薇「換籍」的問題外，彭帥在受訪時說她不能接受台灣是「國家」，也惹來許多人的不滿，包括謝長廷的大棒反擊，說「我的國家叫中華民國」。謝長廷好膽的話，請把這句話當著他的綠營同志和基層群眾的面宣示一下，看看效果如何？要知道，彭帥是爭取從大陸國家代表隊「單飛」的先鋒選手，她破例和謝淑薇合組海峽雙打，必然也承受了一些外人難以窺知的壓力。要論勇敢，謝長廷不妨先和彭帥比比看，誰更挺得住。
事實上，像謝淑薇這種已在國際職業賽事中綻露光芒的選手，已能憑贏取的豐厚獎金自給自足；所謂的企業贊助或代言，不過是彼此各取所需、相得益彰罷了。真正需要支持與贊助的，其實是那些初顯露潛力、正在苦苦攀爬的選手，他們在訓練或參賽過程中所需的教練費和旅費，都是家庭的莫大負擔，更需要外界協助扶一把；謝淑薇的弟妹，即是屬於這類。企業家若無法確知要支持哪個特定運動或特定選手，何不多多捐助體育平台，透過平台的運作，可以更廣泛造福不同類型的選手，讓各運動領域開出更多奇葩。
進一步說，謝淑薇是否接受青海酒廠的邀約而「易籍」，我們相信她自己能做出最佳選擇，恐怕人們毋需為此捶胸頓足。當王建民、陳偉殷都在美國打職棒，陽岱鋼兄弟在日本打職棒，連不是在台灣出生的林書豪都被我們視為「台灣之光」；可見，對國際級的職業球員而言，因生涯選擇或接受贊助而輾轉球籍，已是不可免的趨勢。再說，近年有多位台灣籃球國手投效大陸隊伍，撞球神童吳珈慶轉籍新加坡不成反入籍中國，皆因此取得高出此地數倍的待遇。從某個角度看，球員因市場及競爭者的擴大而提高其身價及知名度，是可喜之事；在全球化年代，台灣何必劃地自限？
試想，如果台灣球員得以加盟美、日球隊，我們莫不鼓掌喝采，視為光榮可賀之事；為何選手一投效中國大陸，就要覺得是奇恥大辱或難以下嚥？以謝淑薇的性格，難道就會因易籍而絕口不提自己來自台灣？何況，一家青海酒廠願意讓一名台灣選手掛著它的標誌在世界走動，難道台灣民眾自此不再認她為新竹女兒、台灣之星？
台灣的政治魔咒，是一種不斷自我催眠、自我耗弱的遊戲；明明走遍天下都通行的法則，一遇中國大陸便龜縮。所幸謝淑薇不怕魔咒，她也直言：「我不跟大家玩政治遊戲，運動歸運動。」她心裡當然明白：若依照台灣的政治玩法，她這次的雙打冠軍獎盃絕不可能到手！
高明的選手，就是不斷地自我挑戰；高明的觀眾，也請挑戰自己的視野和心胸！
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 10, 2013
Summary: Su-Wei Hsieh said she was unafraid of being jinxed. She was unafraid to shake hands with the president. She shook the "handshake of death" long ago. Her words may have had an edge. But they also had a logic of their own. She said, "I am afraid only of my own inadequacies. External opponents are not my enemy."
Full Text below:
Su-Wei Hsieh said she was unafraid of being jinxed. She was unafraid to shake hands with the president. She shook the "handshake of death" long ago. Her words may have had an edge. But they also had a logic of their own. She said, "I am afraid only of my own inadequacies. External opponents are not my enemy."
Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai formed a "Straits Duo" that won the Wimbledon women's doubles championship. They immediately became the subject of widespread attention. They received a congratulatory message from the president. A winery in Qinghai offered Su-Wei Hsieh 50 million RMB to change her place of residency. Her tennis partner Peng Shuai mentioned in passing that she "could not accept the notion that Taiwan is a country." This struck a raw nerve in some listeners. In response, Legislative Yuan President Wang Jin-pyng and Education Minister Chiang Wei-ning immediately persuaded the business community to raise 200 million dollars, overnight, and establish a corporate sports fund.
That entrepreneurs are willing to sponsor sports is cause for celebration. But they waited until the government called upon them before making donations. They left the impression that the donations were not made on their own inititative, and that they were not terribly enthusiastic about the entire affair. By contrast, a winery in faraway Qinghai already had its eye on Su-Wei Hsieh. It made her an offer even before her Wimbledon victory. Why do Taiwanese entrepreneurs have little desire to make such investments? Do they lack foresight? They wait until someone else makes a bid. Only then do they want in on the action. Only then do they engage in a bidding war. These political investments, motivated by their desire to protect a "native brand," undermine their claims that they "cherish talent."
Taiwan society is in the habit of feeding anything and everything into the political meat grinder. The possibility that Su-Wei Hsieh may change her place of residency has become an issue. Peng Shuai's inability to accept "Taiwan as a country" also touched a raw nerve for some. Frank Hsieh lashed back. He said "My country is called the Republic of China." Frank Hsieh's declaration was gutsy. But shouldn't he have made this declaration before his Green Camp comrades and grassroots supporters? Shouldn't he have waited to see what reaction this elicited? Peng Shuai is one of the first individual champions on the Mainland's national team. She broke with convention and teamed up with Su-Wei Hsieh to form the Straits Duo. She is subject to scrutiny and pressure difficult for outsiders to appreciate. Does Frank Hsieh want to engage in a contest of bravado? If so, perhaps he should compete against Peng Shuai and see who blinks first.
Champions like Su-Wei Hsieh compete under the international spotlight. They have already achieved self-sufficiency with their cash prizes. So-called corporate sponsorships or endorsements are merely quid pro quos. It is enough that both parties profit from them. Those who really need support and sponsorship, are those who have only begun to display their potential. These players are still struggling. They need help during training and competition. Coaching fees and travel expenses impose a heavy burden on their families. They need outside assistance. Su-Wei Hsieh's siblings belong in this category. Entrepreneurs may be unsure whether to support a particular sport or a particular athlete. If so, why not contribute to an athletic fund and allow the fund to benefit a wide range of sports and athletes? Why not support budding talent in a variety of sports?
Will Su-Wei Hsieh accept the offer from a Qinghai winery, and change her residency? We think she will choose what is best for her. This is no one else's concern. Wang Chien-ming and Chen Wei-yin wanted to play professional baseball in the United States. The Yang Tai-kang brothers wanted to play baseball in Japan. Jeremy Lin was not even born in Taiwan. Yet he was labeled "Taiwan's Shining Light." For professional ball players at the international level, changing one's residency in response to career choices or changes in sponsorship is inevitable. In recent years many ROC national basketball team members have moved to the Mainland. Billiards prodigy Wu Chia-ching, unable to move to Singapore, wound up on Mainland China. She wound up making many times what she would have made on Taiwan. Players elevate their status and broaden their name recognition by moving to larger markets with more competitors. This is something to celebrate. In an era of globalization, why must Taiwan impose artificial limits on itself?
If a player from Taiwan joins a United States or Japanese team, don't we applaud? Don't we consider it an honor? Don't we congratulate the player? Therefore when a player moves to the Mainland, why do we consider it an insult, or find the move hard to swallow? Given Su-Wei Hsieh's character, will she really seal her lips and never again mention that she came from Taiwan? The winery in Qinghai is willing to have players from Taiwan display its trademark throughout the world. Should people on Taiwan respond by refusing to recognize their native daughter from Hsinchu, this Star of Taiwan?
Taiwan's political curse is its unrelenting self-delusion and self-debilitation. It is clear that in an era of globalization, people may go wherever they please. But as soon as someone's destination is the Chinese mainland, we suddenly pull our heads back into our shells like turtles. Fortunately, Su-Wei Hsieh is unafraid of being jinxed. She was blunt. "I am unwilling to play political games along with everyone else. Sports is sports." She knows full well that had she played by Taiwan's political rules, she would never have won her doubles championship.
A great champion constantly challenges herself. A sophisticated audience constantly broadens its perspective and opens its heart.
謝淑薇不怕魔咒，台灣勿自我催眠
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.10 01:49 am
謝淑薇說，她不怕魔咒，不怕跟總統握手，「死亡之握」早就握過了。話說得麻辣，倒自有她的道理，她說：「我只怕我自己，外面的敵人都不是敵人！」
謝淑薇和彭帥的「海峽雙打」得到溫布頓女雙冠軍，馬上話題一堆。從總統賀電，到青海一家酒廠以五千萬元招手要謝淑薇換籍，再到搭檔彭帥拋出一句「不能接受台灣是一個國家」，挑動人們的敏感神經。也因此，立法院長王金平和教長蔣偉寧立即號召企業，一夕募到了兩億元，要成立企業捐助體育平台。
企業界樂於贊助運動，是值得欣喜的事；但要等到政府號召才出手捐款，總讓人覺得不夠積極，也感受不到那股熱情。試想，遠在青海的酒廠早就看上謝淑薇，且是在她打出溫布頓冠軍之前出手；為什麼台灣企業家就沒有這種投資或愛才的眼光？等到別人出了價，才想到要去搶人還價，這種為保衛「本土招牌」而做的政治投資，不免減損了幾分「惜才」的美意。
台灣社會有一種特殊本能，能把所有事情都放進「政治絞肉機」去分解。除了謝淑薇「換籍」的問題外，彭帥在受訪時說她不能接受台灣是「國家」，也惹來許多人的不滿，包括謝長廷的大棒反擊，說「我的國家叫中華民國」。謝長廷好膽的話，請把這句話當著他的綠營同志和基層群眾的面宣示一下，看看效果如何？要知道，彭帥是爭取從大陸國家代表隊「單飛」的先鋒選手，她破例和謝淑薇合組海峽雙打，必然也承受了一些外人難以窺知的壓力。要論勇敢，謝長廷不妨先和彭帥比比看，誰更挺得住。
事實上，像謝淑薇這種已在國際職業賽事中綻露光芒的選手，已能憑贏取的豐厚獎金自給自足；所謂的企業贊助或代言，不過是彼此各取所需、相得益彰罷了。真正需要支持與贊助的，其實是那些初顯露潛力、正在苦苦攀爬的選手，他們在訓練或參賽過程中所需的教練費和旅費，都是家庭的莫大負擔，更需要外界協助扶一把；謝淑薇的弟妹，即是屬於這類。企業家若無法確知要支持哪個特定運動或特定選手，何不多多捐助體育平台，透過平台的運作，可以更廣泛造福不同類型的選手，讓各運動領域開出更多奇葩。
進一步說，謝淑薇是否接受青海酒廠的邀約而「易籍」，我們相信她自己能做出最佳選擇，恐怕人們毋需為此捶胸頓足。當王建民、陳偉殷都在美國打職棒，陽岱鋼兄弟在日本打職棒，連不是在台灣出生的林書豪都被我們視為「台灣之光」；可見，對國際級的職業球員而言，因生涯選擇或接受贊助而輾轉球籍，已是不可免的趨勢。再說，近年有多位台灣籃球國手投效大陸隊伍，撞球神童吳珈慶轉籍新加坡不成反入籍中國，皆因此取得高出此地數倍的待遇。從某個角度看，球員因市場及競爭者的擴大而提高其身價及知名度，是可喜之事；在全球化年代，台灣何必劃地自限？
試想，如果台灣球員得以加盟美、日球隊，我們莫不鼓掌喝采，視為光榮可賀之事；為何選手一投效中國大陸，就要覺得是奇恥大辱或難以下嚥？以謝淑薇的性格，難道就會因易籍而絕口不提自己來自台灣？何況，一家青海酒廠願意讓一名台灣選手掛著它的標誌在世界走動，難道台灣民眾自此不再認她為新竹女兒、台灣之星？
台灣的政治魔咒，是一種不斷自我催眠、自我耗弱的遊戲；明明走遍天下都通行的法則，一遇中國大陸便龜縮。所幸謝淑薇不怕魔咒，她也直言：「我不跟大家玩政治遊戲，運動歸運動。」她心裡當然明白：若依照台灣的政治玩法，她這次的雙打冠軍獎盃絕不可能到手！
高明的選手，就是不斷地自我挑戰；高明的觀眾，也請挑戰自己的視野和心胸！
Monday, July 8, 2013
Taiwan and the Mainland Can Create More "Straits Combinations"
Taiwan and the Mainland Can Create More "Straits Combinations"
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 9, 2013
Summary: Taiwan's number one female tennis star Su-Wei Hsieh and her Hunan counterpart Peng Shuai formed a "Straits Combination" of "incomparable beauty and extraordinary charisma." At Wimbledon, the Mecca of world tennis, the dynamic duo won the women's doubles championship. This was the first time the two have ever won a Grand Slam since they teamed up. The Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai "Straits Combination" are defacto spokesmen for "Chiwan." Chiwan is a portmanteau of Mainland China and Taiwan. It is a perfect example of win/win cross-Strait cooperation.
Full Text below:
Taiwan's number one female tennis star Su-Wei Hsieh and her Hunan counterpart Peng Shuai formed a "Straits Combination" of "incomparable beauty and extraordinary charisma." At Wimbledon, the Mecca of world tennis, the dynamic duo won the women's doubles championship. This was the first time the two have ever won a Grand Slam since they teamed up. The Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai "Straits Combination" are defacto spokesmen for "Chiwan." Chiwan is a portmanteau of Mainland China and Taiwan. It is a perfect example of win/win cross-Strait cooperation.
The foreign media coined the term "Straits Combination" to describe the Hsieh Peng team. It is a combination that was applied to sports. But it is a combination that can also be applied to cross-Strait industrial cooperation, trade and investment, even political issues. The two sides can complement each other, giving them both advantages, and creating a win-win relationship.
Four years ago, the two sides of the Taiwan Strait experienced a major reconciliation. Mainland capital and Mainland businesses were allowed into Taiwan in June of that year. In the past, cross-Strait industrial cooperation meant "Taiwan brands made in Mainland China." The term "Chiwan" made its debut. Now "Mainland China brands made in Taiwan" is a new cross-Strait trend. The concept of "Chiwan" combines the advantages of both sides, and has South Korea worried.
Last year, Japan attempted to "nationalize" the Diaoyutai Islands. This aroused outrage among people on both sides of the Strait against a common enemy. The China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) previously offered to work with Japan on the joint development of the East China Sea oil fields. But political sensitivities and the Diaoyutai Islands sovereignty dispute have made it impossible to reach any agreement. The CNOOC made its offer in good faith. It proposed joint development of East China Sea oil fields and South China Sea oil and natural gas fields. Now however, it shifted its attention to Taiwan's Chinese Petroleum Corporation.
CNOOC General Counsel Zhao Liguo has visited Taiwan at least five or six times. His mission was to promote cross-Strait cooperation in the exploitation of these oil fields. To promote broader CNOOC and CNPC cooperation, CNOOC transferred some of its Congo mining interests to CNPC. CNOOC and CNPC now have a joint investment in Congo mining, bringing the two even closer together.
Actually CNOOC and CNPC began cooperating with each other as early as 1994. In late December 2008, former CNOOC general manager Fu Chengyu and former CNPC chairman Pan Yan met in Beijing and signed four agreements, including a "partial interests in Kenya 9th district transfer agreement." This took cross-Strait cooperation in the oil industry one step further. The CNOOC and CNPC partnership is the oil industry's "Straits combination."
The biotech industry is universally recognized as a cutting edge industry. The two sides of the Strait are one people who speak the same language. As National Science Council Member Chu Ching-yi noted, the biopharmaceutical value chain is long. The Mainland Region of China has 1.4 billion people. Foreign pharmaceutical companies are eager to sell drugs to the Mainland. Individuals on both sides of the Strait are genetically closer than anywhere else in the world. This facilitates the cross-Strait biopharmaceutical division of labor. Taiwan can perform first stage clinical trials. The Mainland can provide many patient samples. It can also perform the second and third phase trials. This combination, this division of labor, if used in liver cancer and lung cancer testing, can produce excellent results.
Zhongtian Group Diamond Biotech Venture Capital Deputy CEO Tang Chun-je recently noted that cross-Strait cooperation in biotechnology enjoys a "three P advantage" in "Program, People, and Place." With these three advantages, the two sides can expect to become an international biotechnology development center, and establish a joint Chinese biotech industry.
Consider sports from an industry perspective. Doubles tennis is more difficult than singles. The difficulty is in finding the right partner. Only when one finds the right partner, can one plus one be greater than two. Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai first formed a partnership at the age of thirteen. Their "Straits Combination" did not achieve fame overnight. They had to constantly adapt and adjust. Industrial cooperation is not blind groping. But cross-Strait coownership provides many advantages. With "Straits Combination" economic cooperation, Taiwan businesses need no longer go it alone. They can reduce costs and accelerate the recovery of their investments.
Su-Wei Hsieh has played tennis for over 20 years. Since turning pro, the highest rank she has ever achieved in women's singles is 23rd in the world. This is the highest rank any woman tennis player from Taiwan has ever achieved. Asian players on the tennis court lack the speed and strength of European and American players. Achieving Grand Slam pinnacle level success in tennis is extremely difficult. Winning a singles championship is even more difficult. Shu Wei's father Hsieh Chi-lung is a tennis coach. He understands his once rebellious runaway daughter. He knew that for her to make an achievement in her career worth remembering, she had to find a way to break through.
Last year, Hsieh Chi-lung personally appealed to Peng Shuai and her mother. He analyzed Shu Wei and Peng Shuai's performance since their 2008 doubles victory in Bali. Altogether the two won four WTA Pro Tour doubles titles. Peng Shuai excelled at defending the baseline. Shu Wei excelled at net volleys. He argued that if this pair of "Daughters of China" formed a "cross-Strait alliance," the could win a Grand Slam doubles championship. They could achieve a world's first and go down in history.
In singles competition, Xie and Peng might have ended up as competitors. But if the two stood on the same side of the net, they could form an alliance that would defeat all comers. The two have known each other since they were young. They are the same age. They have complementary characteristics. They have no language barrier. They have no problem communicating off the court. On the court, when it comes time to confront their opponents, they have no trouble communicating with each other. A simple look at the other and they know what stroke to use. Together the seized the fruits of victory.
The Wimbledon women's doubles championship is now in hand. But Xie and Peng's cross-Strait Grand Slam victory is merely the beginning of the "Straits Combination." The Wimbledon victory adds fresh impetus to cross-Strait "Chiwan" cooperation. The two sides can now create many more "Straits Combinations," in addition to the wildly successful Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai Straits Combination adds fresh impetus to cross-Strait "Chiwan" cooperation. The two sides can now create many more "Straits Combinations," in addition to the wildly successful Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai Straits Combination.
中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 2013.07.09
社論－兩岸，可以創造更多的海峽組合
本報訊
台灣「網球一姐」謝淑薇與湖南姑娘彭帥這對「薇力無比、帥氣非凡」的海峽組合，在世界網球聖殿─溫布頓網球錦標賽女子雙打力戰群雌，摘下合拍以來的第一座網球四大滿貫賽冠軍。謝淑薇與彭帥的「海峽組合」，無異是「chiwan」代言人，兩岸合則兩利的最佳典範。
被外國媒體稱之為海峽組合（Strait Combination）的謝、彭兩人，可以在體育競賽上發揮，同樣的組合更可以在兩岸產業合作、經貿投資，甚至政治議題上，發揮互補優勢，進而創造雙贏。
四年前，兩岸大和解，陸資、陸企相繼在當年六月登台，以往兩岸產業合作以「台灣品牌、大陸製造」為主軸，「chiwan」的出現，「中國品牌、台灣製造」成為兩岸概念的火熱風潮，「chiwan」結合兩岸優勢，讓南韓聞風喪膽。
去年，日本企圖將釣魚台國有化，激起兩岸人民同仇敵慨，中國海洋石油總公司（中海油）曾與日本就共同開發東海油田交換意見，不過因涉及敏感，加上釣魚台主權爭議，始終未能達成共識。之後，中海油主動釋出誠意，開發東海油田及南海油氣田的合作夥伴，轉為台灣的中油公司。
中海油總法律顧問趙利國為推動兩岸合作開採油田，已經來過台灣考察拜會至少五、六次，而中海油為求與中油擴大合作平台，還將轉讓非洲剛果礦區的權益給中油，形成中海油與中油相互投資剛果礦區，關係更加緊密。
事實上，中海油與中油早在一九九四年就開始合作，二○○八年十二月底，中海油前任總經理傅成玉與中油前任董事長潘文炎，兩人在北京共同簽署包括「肯亞九號區塊部分權益轉讓協定」等四項協定，兩岸石油界的合作更進一層，中海油與中油是石油界的「海峽組合」。
生技業是全球公認的明星產業，兩岸同文同種，國科會主委朱敬一曾表示，生技製藥的價值鏈非常長，中國大陸有十四億人口，國際藥廠都想賣藥至大陸，由於兩岸基因相似度是全球唯一，兩岸生技製藥分工，可由台灣做臨床實驗第一階段，中國大陸病人樣本多，可做第二與第三階段，這種組合與分工，應用在肝癌與肺癌，會產生很好的利基效果。
中天集團旗下的鑽石生技創投副總裁湯竣鈞日前也表示，兩岸生技合作具備「Program」、「People」、「 Place」，也就是計畫、人才與在地「三Ｐ優勢」，只要好好把握住這三大優勢，兩岸可望成為國際生技開發重鎮，創造屬於華人的生技產業。
從產業看運動，雙打比單打難，難在對的人難找，只有找到對的人，才能發揮一加一大於二的效益，謝淑薇與彭帥從十三歲起就開始搭擋，「海峽組合」功成名就並非一蹴可幾，磨合與調整隨時都在進行；產業合作也非瞎子摸象，台海兩岸各擁優勢，經濟合作上的「海峽組合」，則讓台灣企業界不必單打獨鬥，降低成本，加速投資回收。
謝淑薇投入網球已逾廿年，征戰職業賽場以來，她在女子單打的世界排名最高曾來到第廿三，這已是台灣女將歷來之最。亞洲球員在網球場上的速度與力量不如歐美，想在網壇四大滿貫賽頭角崢嶸極為不易，爭奪單打比賽冠軍則更是艱難。淑薇的父親謝子龍身為教練，自然明白曾經極度叛逆且離家出走的愛女，若要在職業生涯留下永恆記憶，就必須尋求突破。
謝子龍去年索性親自擔任說客，向彭帥和其母親遊說，分析淑薇、彭帥自二○○八年峇里島網賽女雙搭檔奪冠以來，前後已拿過四個WTA職業巡迴賽的雙打冠軍，彭帥專精於底線重抽，淑薇則擅長網前截擊，這一對「中華兒女」若是「兩岸合璧」，絕對有機會在大滿貫雙打賽中捧起金盃，創造「世界第一」的千古佳話。
如果在單打賽場上，謝、彭或許是各據一端的競爭對手，然而，當二人站在球網的同一邊，自然結合成聯手禦敵的合作夥伴。她們自青少年時期即相識結交，二人年齡相仿、個性互補，更加沒有語言的障礙，不僅場外溝通沒有問題，即便臨場迎敵的剎那，她倆也很容易藉由彼此眼神的交換，做出正確的揮拍決定，聯手搶下勝利的果實。
溫布頓女子雙打賽冠軍到手，只是謝、彭在網球四大賽場上樹立起「海峽組合」旗幟的開始，這座溫網金杯，更是兩岸合寫「chiwan」新里程碑的全新動力。兩岸，除了謝淑薇、彭帥之外，可以創造更多的海峽組合。
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 9, 2013
Summary: Taiwan's number one female tennis star Su-Wei Hsieh and her Hunan counterpart Peng Shuai formed a "Straits Combination" of "incomparable beauty and extraordinary charisma." At Wimbledon, the Mecca of world tennis, the dynamic duo won the women's doubles championship. This was the first time the two have ever won a Grand Slam since they teamed up. The Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai "Straits Combination" are defacto spokesmen for "Chiwan." Chiwan is a portmanteau of Mainland China and Taiwan. It is a perfect example of win/win cross-Strait cooperation.
Full Text below:
Taiwan's number one female tennis star Su-Wei Hsieh and her Hunan counterpart Peng Shuai formed a "Straits Combination" of "incomparable beauty and extraordinary charisma." At Wimbledon, the Mecca of world tennis, the dynamic duo won the women's doubles championship. This was the first time the two have ever won a Grand Slam since they teamed up. The Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai "Straits Combination" are defacto spokesmen for "Chiwan." Chiwan is a portmanteau of Mainland China and Taiwan. It is a perfect example of win/win cross-Strait cooperation.
The foreign media coined the term "Straits Combination" to describe the Hsieh Peng team. It is a combination that was applied to sports. But it is a combination that can also be applied to cross-Strait industrial cooperation, trade and investment, even political issues. The two sides can complement each other, giving them both advantages, and creating a win-win relationship.
Four years ago, the two sides of the Taiwan Strait experienced a major reconciliation. Mainland capital and Mainland businesses were allowed into Taiwan in June of that year. In the past, cross-Strait industrial cooperation meant "Taiwan brands made in Mainland China." The term "Chiwan" made its debut. Now "Mainland China brands made in Taiwan" is a new cross-Strait trend. The concept of "Chiwan" combines the advantages of both sides, and has South Korea worried.
Last year, Japan attempted to "nationalize" the Diaoyutai Islands. This aroused outrage among people on both sides of the Strait against a common enemy. The China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) previously offered to work with Japan on the joint development of the East China Sea oil fields. But political sensitivities and the Diaoyutai Islands sovereignty dispute have made it impossible to reach any agreement. The CNOOC made its offer in good faith. It proposed joint development of East China Sea oil fields and South China Sea oil and natural gas fields. Now however, it shifted its attention to Taiwan's Chinese Petroleum Corporation.
CNOOC General Counsel Zhao Liguo has visited Taiwan at least five or six times. His mission was to promote cross-Strait cooperation in the exploitation of these oil fields. To promote broader CNOOC and CNPC cooperation, CNOOC transferred some of its Congo mining interests to CNPC. CNOOC and CNPC now have a joint investment in Congo mining, bringing the two even closer together.
Actually CNOOC and CNPC began cooperating with each other as early as 1994. In late December 2008, former CNOOC general manager Fu Chengyu and former CNPC chairman Pan Yan met in Beijing and signed four agreements, including a "partial interests in Kenya 9th district transfer agreement." This took cross-Strait cooperation in the oil industry one step further. The CNOOC and CNPC partnership is the oil industry's "Straits combination."
The biotech industry is universally recognized as a cutting edge industry. The two sides of the Strait are one people who speak the same language. As National Science Council Member Chu Ching-yi noted, the biopharmaceutical value chain is long. The Mainland Region of China has 1.4 billion people. Foreign pharmaceutical companies are eager to sell drugs to the Mainland. Individuals on both sides of the Strait are genetically closer than anywhere else in the world. This facilitates the cross-Strait biopharmaceutical division of labor. Taiwan can perform first stage clinical trials. The Mainland can provide many patient samples. It can also perform the second and third phase trials. This combination, this division of labor, if used in liver cancer and lung cancer testing, can produce excellent results.
Zhongtian Group Diamond Biotech Venture Capital Deputy CEO Tang Chun-je recently noted that cross-Strait cooperation in biotechnology enjoys a "three P advantage" in "Program, People, and Place." With these three advantages, the two sides can expect to become an international biotechnology development center, and establish a joint Chinese biotech industry.
Consider sports from an industry perspective. Doubles tennis is more difficult than singles. The difficulty is in finding the right partner. Only when one finds the right partner, can one plus one be greater than two. Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai first formed a partnership at the age of thirteen. Their "Straits Combination" did not achieve fame overnight. They had to constantly adapt and adjust. Industrial cooperation is not blind groping. But cross-Strait coownership provides many advantages. With "Straits Combination" economic cooperation, Taiwan businesses need no longer go it alone. They can reduce costs and accelerate the recovery of their investments.
Su-Wei Hsieh has played tennis for over 20 years. Since turning pro, the highest rank she has ever achieved in women's singles is 23rd in the world. This is the highest rank any woman tennis player from Taiwan has ever achieved. Asian players on the tennis court lack the speed and strength of European and American players. Achieving Grand Slam pinnacle level success in tennis is extremely difficult. Winning a singles championship is even more difficult. Shu Wei's father Hsieh Chi-lung is a tennis coach. He understands his once rebellious runaway daughter. He knew that for her to make an achievement in her career worth remembering, she had to find a way to break through.
Last year, Hsieh Chi-lung personally appealed to Peng Shuai and her mother. He analyzed Shu Wei and Peng Shuai's performance since their 2008 doubles victory in Bali. Altogether the two won four WTA Pro Tour doubles titles. Peng Shuai excelled at defending the baseline. Shu Wei excelled at net volleys. He argued that if this pair of "Daughters of China" formed a "cross-Strait alliance," the could win a Grand Slam doubles championship. They could achieve a world's first and go down in history.
In singles competition, Xie and Peng might have ended up as competitors. But if the two stood on the same side of the net, they could form an alliance that would defeat all comers. The two have known each other since they were young. They are the same age. They have complementary characteristics. They have no language barrier. They have no problem communicating off the court. On the court, when it comes time to confront their opponents, they have no trouble communicating with each other. A simple look at the other and they know what stroke to use. Together the seized the fruits of victory.
The Wimbledon women's doubles championship is now in hand. But Xie and Peng's cross-Strait Grand Slam victory is merely the beginning of the "Straits Combination." The Wimbledon victory adds fresh impetus to cross-Strait "Chiwan" cooperation. The two sides can now create many more "Straits Combinations," in addition to the wildly successful Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai Straits Combination adds fresh impetus to cross-Strait "Chiwan" cooperation. The two sides can now create many more "Straits Combinations," in addition to the wildly successful Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai Straits Combination.
中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 2013.07.09
社論－兩岸，可以創造更多的海峽組合
本報訊
台灣「網球一姐」謝淑薇與湖南姑娘彭帥這對「薇力無比、帥氣非凡」的海峽組合，在世界網球聖殿─溫布頓網球錦標賽女子雙打力戰群雌，摘下合拍以來的第一座網球四大滿貫賽冠軍。謝淑薇與彭帥的「海峽組合」，無異是「chiwan」代言人，兩岸合則兩利的最佳典範。
被外國媒體稱之為海峽組合（Strait Combination）的謝、彭兩人，可以在體育競賽上發揮，同樣的組合更可以在兩岸產業合作、經貿投資，甚至政治議題上，發揮互補優勢，進而創造雙贏。
四年前，兩岸大和解，陸資、陸企相繼在當年六月登台，以往兩岸產業合作以「台灣品牌、大陸製造」為主軸，「chiwan」的出現，「中國品牌、台灣製造」成為兩岸概念的火熱風潮，「chiwan」結合兩岸優勢，讓南韓聞風喪膽。
去年，日本企圖將釣魚台國有化，激起兩岸人民同仇敵慨，中國海洋石油總公司（中海油）曾與日本就共同開發東海油田交換意見，不過因涉及敏感，加上釣魚台主權爭議，始終未能達成共識。之後，中海油主動釋出誠意，開發東海油田及南海油氣田的合作夥伴，轉為台灣的中油公司。
中海油總法律顧問趙利國為推動兩岸合作開採油田，已經來過台灣考察拜會至少五、六次，而中海油為求與中油擴大合作平台，還將轉讓非洲剛果礦區的權益給中油，形成中海油與中油相互投資剛果礦區，關係更加緊密。
事實上，中海油與中油早在一九九四年就開始合作，二○○八年十二月底，中海油前任總經理傅成玉與中油前任董事長潘文炎，兩人在北京共同簽署包括「肯亞九號區塊部分權益轉讓協定」等四項協定，兩岸石油界的合作更進一層，中海油與中油是石油界的「海峽組合」。
生技業是全球公認的明星產業，兩岸同文同種，國科會主委朱敬一曾表示，生技製藥的價值鏈非常長，中國大陸有十四億人口，國際藥廠都想賣藥至大陸，由於兩岸基因相似度是全球唯一，兩岸生技製藥分工，可由台灣做臨床實驗第一階段，中國大陸病人樣本多，可做第二與第三階段，這種組合與分工，應用在肝癌與肺癌，會產生很好的利基效果。
中天集團旗下的鑽石生技創投副總裁湯竣鈞日前也表示，兩岸生技合作具備「Program」、「People」、「 Place」，也就是計畫、人才與在地「三Ｐ優勢」，只要好好把握住這三大優勢，兩岸可望成為國際生技開發重鎮，創造屬於華人的生技產業。
從產業看運動，雙打比單打難，難在對的人難找，只有找到對的人，才能發揮一加一大於二的效益，謝淑薇與彭帥從十三歲起就開始搭擋，「海峽組合」功成名就並非一蹴可幾，磨合與調整隨時都在進行；產業合作也非瞎子摸象，台海兩岸各擁優勢，經濟合作上的「海峽組合」，則讓台灣企業界不必單打獨鬥，降低成本，加速投資回收。
謝淑薇投入網球已逾廿年，征戰職業賽場以來，她在女子單打的世界排名最高曾來到第廿三，這已是台灣女將歷來之最。亞洲球員在網球場上的速度與力量不如歐美，想在網壇四大滿貫賽頭角崢嶸極為不易，爭奪單打比賽冠軍則更是艱難。淑薇的父親謝子龍身為教練，自然明白曾經極度叛逆且離家出走的愛女，若要在職業生涯留下永恆記憶，就必須尋求突破。
謝子龍去年索性親自擔任說客，向彭帥和其母親遊說，分析淑薇、彭帥自二○○八年峇里島網賽女雙搭檔奪冠以來，前後已拿過四個WTA職業巡迴賽的雙打冠軍，彭帥專精於底線重抽，淑薇則擅長網前截擊，這一對「中華兒女」若是「兩岸合璧」，絕對有機會在大滿貫雙打賽中捧起金盃，創造「世界第一」的千古佳話。
如果在單打賽場上，謝、彭或許是各據一端的競爭對手，然而，當二人站在球網的同一邊，自然結合成聯手禦敵的合作夥伴。她們自青少年時期即相識結交，二人年齡相仿、個性互補，更加沒有語言的障礙，不僅場外溝通沒有問題，即便臨場迎敵的剎那，她倆也很容易藉由彼此眼神的交換，做出正確的揮拍決定，聯手搶下勝利的果實。
溫布頓女子雙打賽冠軍到手，只是謝、彭在網球四大賽場上樹立起「海峽組合」旗幟的開始，這座溫網金杯，更是兩岸合寫「chiwan」新里程碑的全新動力。兩岸，除了謝淑薇、彭帥之外，可以創造更多的海峽組合。
Two Young Women from Hsinchu and Xiangtan Conquer Wimbledon
Two Young Women from Hsinchu and Xiangtan Conquer Wimbledon
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 8, 2013
Summary: Women's Tennis Association (WTA) players Su-Wei Hsieh from Taiwan and Peng Shuai from the Mainland partnered in the women's doubles competition. Together they won the Wimbledon women's doubles finals. This was a career best for both players. It was also a successful model for cross-Strait cooperation. Su-Wei Hsieh became the first player from Taiwan to win a Grand Slam title. Congratulations are in order.
Full Text below:
Women's Tennis Association (WTA) players Su-Wei Hsieh from Taiwan and Peng Shuai from the Mainland partnered in the women's doubles competition. Together they won the Wimbledon women's doubles finals. This was a career best for both players. It was also a successful model for cross-Strait cooperation. Su-Wei Hsieh became the first player from Taiwan to win a Grand Slam title. Congratulations are in order.
This year's Wimbledon match has been described as a "graveyard for top seeds." Many world famous players were eliminated during the first and second rounds. The Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai "cross-Strait partnership" received little advanced attention. They left the impression that it was easy going all the way. They made their way through the third round, the quarterfinals, and semifinals with straight sets all the way. During yesterday's winning match, the first set was closely fought. But the two were formidable during the second set. Su-Wei Hsieh played the net and Peng Shuai played the baseline, adopting an up-and-back strategy that permitted both offense and defense.
Wang Chien-ming have been sent down to the Triple-A Toronto Blue Jays. Jeremy Lin is reported going to being traded by the Houston Rockets. Golf champion Tseng-Ya-ni remains in a slump. Su-Wei Hsieh's Wimbledon triumph, by contrast, has shone a spotlight on Taiwan on the international stage. This is a truly exciting development.
Su-Wei Hsieh first picked up a tennis racket when she was only 5 years old. Her talent has been obvious since childhood. But her family was so poor it had to sleep in a minivan at night. Hsieh even ran away from home because she was unhappy with her father's strict discipline. But 20 years honing her skills on the tennis court have finally won her a Grand Slam title. Her efforts have paid off. Interestingly enough, the Mainland government, optimistic about Li Na's prospects, dispatched scores of reporters to cover her matches. Who knew that after losing the quarterfinals, Li Na would use harsh language in response to reporters' questions, and cause an uproar. Many Mainland reporters responded by tracking the stunning performance by Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai's "cross-Strait doubles team" and its shared cross-Strait victory.
Su-Wei Hsieh was born in Hsinchu, Taiwan. Peng Shuai was born in Xiangtan, Hunan. The two are the same age. They have known each other since childhood, when the two met and competed on the tennis court. The two became life long friends. The two have each experienced career ups and downs. In singles competition, Peng Shuai has fared somewhat better. The highest she has ranked is 14th. The highest Su-Wei Hsieh has ranked is 23rd. She has never reached the top ranks. In the women's singles matches at Wimbledon, the two shared the same fate. Both were defeated in the second round. But as predicted, their "cross-Strait joining of hands" made them stronger. It made them invincible. In the end, their victory enabled both sides of the Strait to shine.
Between 2008 and 2009, Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai partnered in four matches and won four victories. They easily won four championships in Indonesia, Australia, Italy, and Mainland China. Later on, during their golden years, the two chased after their own dreams. For four years, each pursued solo victories. This year however, the two players' parents encouraged the two to once again work together. The two recently won the women's doubles championship in Italy, offering us a preview of their upcoming success at Wimbledon.
The greatest challenge in doubles is reaching an unspoken understanding. This requires practice, practice, and more practice. Only that will enable two people to work together as one. Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai have achieved a rare fit. Su-Wei Hsieh has a "gui zhi qie qiu," or "demonic slice." Her volley shots are difficult to read. She is skilled at exploiting weaknesses. Peng Shuai is adept at lobs and defending the baseline. As a result, the two working together are able to play a synergistic game in which one plus one adds up to more than two. This six time "cross-Strait partnership" has led to six championships. It is the secret of their success.
Top Taiwan tennis pro Rendy Lu Yen-hsun was expected to do well in this year's Wimbledon men's doubles. He abandoned the partner handpicked by his Czech coach, in favor of Ricardas Berankis of Lithuania. But to everyones' surprise, a singles loss led to a lack of moral during the doubles tournament. The result was a rout. In response, Lu declared he would no longer partner with Berankis. As one can see, one's choice of partner can determine the fate of the game.
Examine the tennis record. Mainland Chinese women champions Zheng Jie and Yan Zi won the 2006 Wimbledon women's doubles championship. Taiwan champions Yung-Jan Chan and Chia-Jung Chuang were runners up in the 2006 Australian Open and U.S. Open women's doubles championships. This time, cooperation between Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai saved the day. The two helped Taiwan make WTA history. They successfully blazed a new "cross-Strait partnership" trail. The two benefitted from long years of friendship and mutual trust. Their tennis styles complemented each other. They achieved an unspoken understanding. Together they paved the way to a shared victory a the summit.
On the tennis court, arguments about "whether one may choose one's ancestors" are pointless. The real issue is whether one can choose one's opponents. One cannot. One can only choose one's partners. On the tennis court, there can be no such thing as demands for "concessions." Athletic competition is a showdown. One cannot pull one's punches. Two young women, Taiwan's Su-Wei Hsieh and Hunan's Peng Shuai, worked together at Wimbledon, enabling both to shine. The two sides of the Strait are about to sign TISA. Perhaps the example provided by these two young women can provide a flash of inspiration.
新竹女兒和湖南姑娘聯手征服溫布頓
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.08 02:59 am
台灣女網好手謝淑薇和中國大陸女將彭帥搭檔，聯手在英國溫布頓球場摘下了女子雙打冠軍金杯，不僅成就兩人網球生涯的最佳成績，也寫下兩岸選手合作出擊的成功模式。謝淑薇成為首位在大滿貫賽奪冠的台灣選手，可喜可賀！
今 年溫布頓網球賽被形容為「種子墳場」，多位世界名將在前兩輪賽局即慘遭淘汰。而謝淑薇和彭帥的「兩岸拍檔」，在事前未受高度關注的情況下，一路打來反而顯 得輕鬆，闖進十六強、八強、四強都以「直落二」的成績過關斬將。昨天的冠軍之役，第一盤打得糾纏，得手之後，第二盤便勢如破竹；謝淑薇的刁鑽封網，搭配彭 帥的穩健底線，構成無懈可擊的攻守火網。
正當王建民被藍鳥下放三Ａ，林書豪數度傳出將被火箭交易，而曾雅妮遲未走出揮桿低潮，謝淑薇此次在溫布頓的大放異采，持續點亮了台灣在國際球場發光的火炬，讓人振奮。
五 歲即拿起球拍的謝淑薇，自小即展露天分；卻曾因家境困窘到一家擠在小貨車上過夜，乃至因不滿嚴父管教而叛逆逃家。但歷經廿多年的球場奔馳磨練，如今終於戴 上網壇大滿貫的榮耀桂冠，一切努力均有了代價。有趣的是，中國大陸這回派出大批媒體，看好的是國家選手李娜的表現；不料，在八強前止步的李娜在輸球後以粗 話回敬記者，引起軒然大波。大批中國記者隨後卻意外等到了謝淑薇和彭帥「海峽雙打」的驚豔演出，等到了兩岸共同的燦爛金杯。
出 生於台灣新竹的謝淑薇，和來自湖南湘潭的彭帥同齡，兩人自少女時代即在球場結識、過招，從而培養出長遠的純厚友誼。兩人的職業生涯各有起伏，論單打成績， 彭帥略勝一籌，最高排名曾達十四，謝淑薇則為廿三，但均未曾登峰。這次在溫布頓女單，兩人命運一樣，都在第二輪便敗下陣來；孰料，她們的「兩岸攜手」組合 卻是愈戰愈勇，所向披靡，最後光耀了兩岸。
事實上，謝淑薇和彭帥在○八到○九年間曾經四度搭檔出賽，四戰皆勝，順利 奪下印尼、澳洲、義大利和中國四地巡迴賽的冠軍。其後，或許兩人忙於追逐自己黃金歲月的發展，各自單飛了四年。直到今年，雙方父母因緣際會促使兩人重新攜 手合作，兩人不久前又在義大利拿下女雙冠軍寶座，也為這次溫布頓的出擊成功暖身預演。
雙打最大的挑戰就在默契，須有 較多的搭配練習，兩人才能磨合成為一體；而謝淑薇和彭帥之間，就有這種難得的契合。謝淑薇的球風被稱為「鬼之切球」，形容她的截擊出手詭異，在網前尋找突 破機會；而彭帥善於長擊抽球，守住底線滴水不漏。也因此，兩人聯手，往往能發揮一加一大於二的能量。這對「海峽搭檔」，六次合作，六次奪冠，祕訣在此。
相形之下，台灣網球一哥盧彥勳原對這次溫網雙打寄予厚望，特意捨棄原本搭配的捷克教練，找了立陶宛選手比蘭基斯合作。不料，對方因為先在單打輸球，竟在雙打賽打得毫無鬥志，讓球賽輸得極為難看；盧彥勳因此宣稱，再也不找此人合作。搭檔夥伴決定球賽終極命運，由此可見。
檢 視網壇紀錄，中國女將鄭潔和晏紫曾拿下二○○六年溫網女雙冠軍；台灣方面，則是詹詠然與莊佳容曾在二○○七年取得澳網與美網女雙亞軍。這次，謝淑薇和彭帥 的合作奪冠，不僅為台灣寫下女網的最佳成績，也成功開闢了一條「兩岸搭檔」的新路。兩人長年的友誼，彼此的互信，球風的互補，乃至臨場的默契，共同鋪成了 這條攜手登峰之路。
在球場上，「祖先能不能選擇」這樣的討論是沒有意義的，因為你不能選擇對手，但可以選擇夥伴。在 球場上，要求「讓利」這樣的事也不會發生，因為運動競技就是結結實實地一決高下，不能放水相讓。新竹女孩謝淑薇與湖南姑娘彭帥在溫布頓的攜手合作，使兩人 璀璨發光；在兩岸服貿協議爭議方殷之際，或許也提供了一閃靈光。
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 8, 2013
Summary: Women's Tennis Association (WTA) players Su-Wei Hsieh from Taiwan and Peng Shuai from the Mainland partnered in the women's doubles competition. Together they won the Wimbledon women's doubles finals. This was a career best for both players. It was also a successful model for cross-Strait cooperation. Su-Wei Hsieh became the first player from Taiwan to win a Grand Slam title. Congratulations are in order.
Full Text below:
Women's Tennis Association (WTA) players Su-Wei Hsieh from Taiwan and Peng Shuai from the Mainland partnered in the women's doubles competition. Together they won the Wimbledon women's doubles finals. This was a career best for both players. It was also a successful model for cross-Strait cooperation. Su-Wei Hsieh became the first player from Taiwan to win a Grand Slam title. Congratulations are in order.
This year's Wimbledon match has been described as a "graveyard for top seeds." Many world famous players were eliminated during the first and second rounds. The Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai "cross-Strait partnership" received little advanced attention. They left the impression that it was easy going all the way. They made their way through the third round, the quarterfinals, and semifinals with straight sets all the way. During yesterday's winning match, the first set was closely fought. But the two were formidable during the second set. Su-Wei Hsieh played the net and Peng Shuai played the baseline, adopting an up-and-back strategy that permitted both offense and defense.
Wang Chien-ming have been sent down to the Triple-A Toronto Blue Jays. Jeremy Lin is reported going to being traded by the Houston Rockets. Golf champion Tseng-Ya-ni remains in a slump. Su-Wei Hsieh's Wimbledon triumph, by contrast, has shone a spotlight on Taiwan on the international stage. This is a truly exciting development.
Su-Wei Hsieh first picked up a tennis racket when she was only 5 years old. Her talent has been obvious since childhood. But her family was so poor it had to sleep in a minivan at night. Hsieh even ran away from home because she was unhappy with her father's strict discipline. But 20 years honing her skills on the tennis court have finally won her a Grand Slam title. Her efforts have paid off. Interestingly enough, the Mainland government, optimistic about Li Na's prospects, dispatched scores of reporters to cover her matches. Who knew that after losing the quarterfinals, Li Na would use harsh language in response to reporters' questions, and cause an uproar. Many Mainland reporters responded by tracking the stunning performance by Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai's "cross-Strait doubles team" and its shared cross-Strait victory.
Su-Wei Hsieh was born in Hsinchu, Taiwan. Peng Shuai was born in Xiangtan, Hunan. The two are the same age. They have known each other since childhood, when the two met and competed on the tennis court. The two became life long friends. The two have each experienced career ups and downs. In singles competition, Peng Shuai has fared somewhat better. The highest she has ranked is 14th. The highest Su-Wei Hsieh has ranked is 23rd. She has never reached the top ranks. In the women's singles matches at Wimbledon, the two shared the same fate. Both were defeated in the second round. But as predicted, their "cross-Strait joining of hands" made them stronger. It made them invincible. In the end, their victory enabled both sides of the Strait to shine.
Between 2008 and 2009, Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai partnered in four matches and won four victories. They easily won four championships in Indonesia, Australia, Italy, and Mainland China. Later on, during their golden years, the two chased after their own dreams. For four years, each pursued solo victories. This year however, the two players' parents encouraged the two to once again work together. The two recently won the women's doubles championship in Italy, offering us a preview of their upcoming success at Wimbledon.
The greatest challenge in doubles is reaching an unspoken understanding. This requires practice, practice, and more practice. Only that will enable two people to work together as one. Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai have achieved a rare fit. Su-Wei Hsieh has a "gui zhi qie qiu," or "demonic slice." Her volley shots are difficult to read. She is skilled at exploiting weaknesses. Peng Shuai is adept at lobs and defending the baseline. As a result, the two working together are able to play a synergistic game in which one plus one adds up to more than two. This six time "cross-Strait partnership" has led to six championships. It is the secret of their success.
Top Taiwan tennis pro Rendy Lu Yen-hsun was expected to do well in this year's Wimbledon men's doubles. He abandoned the partner handpicked by his Czech coach, in favor of Ricardas Berankis of Lithuania. But to everyones' surprise, a singles loss led to a lack of moral during the doubles tournament. The result was a rout. In response, Lu declared he would no longer partner with Berankis. As one can see, one's choice of partner can determine the fate of the game.
Examine the tennis record. Mainland Chinese women champions Zheng Jie and Yan Zi won the 2006 Wimbledon women's doubles championship. Taiwan champions Yung-Jan Chan and Chia-Jung Chuang were runners up in the 2006 Australian Open and U.S. Open women's doubles championships. This time, cooperation between Su-Wei Hsieh and Peng Shuai saved the day. The two helped Taiwan make WTA history. They successfully blazed a new "cross-Strait partnership" trail. The two benefitted from long years of friendship and mutual trust. Their tennis styles complemented each other. They achieved an unspoken understanding. Together they paved the way to a shared victory a the summit.
On the tennis court, arguments about "whether one may choose one's ancestors" are pointless. The real issue is whether one can choose one's opponents. One cannot. One can only choose one's partners. On the tennis court, there can be no such thing as demands for "concessions." Athletic competition is a showdown. One cannot pull one's punches. Two young women, Taiwan's Su-Wei Hsieh and Hunan's Peng Shuai, worked together at Wimbledon, enabling both to shine. The two sides of the Strait are about to sign TISA. Perhaps the example provided by these two young women can provide a flash of inspiration.
新竹女兒和湖南姑娘聯手征服溫布頓
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.07.08 02:59 am
台灣女網好手謝淑薇和中國大陸女將彭帥搭檔，聯手在英國溫布頓球場摘下了女子雙打冠軍金杯，不僅成就兩人網球生涯的最佳成績，也寫下兩岸選手合作出擊的成功模式。謝淑薇成為首位在大滿貫賽奪冠的台灣選手，可喜可賀！
今 年溫布頓網球賽被形容為「種子墳場」，多位世界名將在前兩輪賽局即慘遭淘汰。而謝淑薇和彭帥的「兩岸拍檔」，在事前未受高度關注的情況下，一路打來反而顯 得輕鬆，闖進十六強、八強、四強都以「直落二」的成績過關斬將。昨天的冠軍之役，第一盤打得糾纏，得手之後，第二盤便勢如破竹；謝淑薇的刁鑽封網，搭配彭 帥的穩健底線，構成無懈可擊的攻守火網。
正當王建民被藍鳥下放三Ａ，林書豪數度傳出將被火箭交易，而曾雅妮遲未走出揮桿低潮，謝淑薇此次在溫布頓的大放異采，持續點亮了台灣在國際球場發光的火炬，讓人振奮。
五 歲即拿起球拍的謝淑薇，自小即展露天分；卻曾因家境困窘到一家擠在小貨車上過夜，乃至因不滿嚴父管教而叛逆逃家。但歷經廿多年的球場奔馳磨練，如今終於戴 上網壇大滿貫的榮耀桂冠，一切努力均有了代價。有趣的是，中國大陸這回派出大批媒體，看好的是國家選手李娜的表現；不料，在八強前止步的李娜在輸球後以粗 話回敬記者，引起軒然大波。大批中國記者隨後卻意外等到了謝淑薇和彭帥「海峽雙打」的驚豔演出，等到了兩岸共同的燦爛金杯。
出 生於台灣新竹的謝淑薇，和來自湖南湘潭的彭帥同齡，兩人自少女時代即在球場結識、過招，從而培養出長遠的純厚友誼。兩人的職業生涯各有起伏，論單打成績， 彭帥略勝一籌，最高排名曾達十四，謝淑薇則為廿三，但均未曾登峰。這次在溫布頓女單，兩人命運一樣，都在第二輪便敗下陣來；孰料，她們的「兩岸攜手」組合 卻是愈戰愈勇，所向披靡，最後光耀了兩岸。
事實上，謝淑薇和彭帥在○八到○九年間曾經四度搭檔出賽，四戰皆勝，順利 奪下印尼、澳洲、義大利和中國四地巡迴賽的冠軍。其後，或許兩人忙於追逐自己黃金歲月的發展，各自單飛了四年。直到今年，雙方父母因緣際會促使兩人重新攜 手合作，兩人不久前又在義大利拿下女雙冠軍寶座，也為這次溫布頓的出擊成功暖身預演。
雙打最大的挑戰就在默契，須有 較多的搭配練習，兩人才能磨合成為一體；而謝淑薇和彭帥之間，就有這種難得的契合。謝淑薇的球風被稱為「鬼之切球」，形容她的截擊出手詭異，在網前尋找突 破機會；而彭帥善於長擊抽球，守住底線滴水不漏。也因此，兩人聯手，往往能發揮一加一大於二的能量。這對「海峽搭檔」，六次合作，六次奪冠，祕訣在此。
相形之下，台灣網球一哥盧彥勳原對這次溫網雙打寄予厚望，特意捨棄原本搭配的捷克教練，找了立陶宛選手比蘭基斯合作。不料，對方因為先在單打輸球，竟在雙打賽打得毫無鬥志，讓球賽輸得極為難看；盧彥勳因此宣稱，再也不找此人合作。搭檔夥伴決定球賽終極命運，由此可見。
檢 視網壇紀錄，中國女將鄭潔和晏紫曾拿下二○○六年溫網女雙冠軍；台灣方面，則是詹詠然與莊佳容曾在二○○七年取得澳網與美網女雙亞軍。這次，謝淑薇和彭帥 的合作奪冠，不僅為台灣寫下女網的最佳成績，也成功開闢了一條「兩岸搭檔」的新路。兩人長年的友誼，彼此的互信，球風的互補，乃至臨場的默契，共同鋪成了 這條攜手登峰之路。
在球場上，「祖先能不能選擇」這樣的討論是沒有意義的，因為你不能選擇對手，但可以選擇夥伴。在 球場上，要求「讓利」這樣的事也不會發生，因為運動競技就是結結實實地一決高下，不能放水相讓。新竹女孩謝淑薇與湖南姑娘彭帥在溫布頓的攜手合作，使兩人 璀璨發光；在兩岸服貿協議爭議方殷之際，或許也提供了一閃靈光。
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