China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
September 30, 2016
Executive Summary: In 30 years since its founding, Taiwan independence has remained an article of faith and a major contributor to the growth of the Democratic Progressive Party. But as the expression goes, “Live by the sword, die by the sword”. The “total rule” that the DPP enjoys today is a direct result of its long-term advocacy of Taiwan independence and Taiwan-centrism.
Full Text Below:
In 30 years since its founding, Taiwan independence has remained an article of faith and a major contributor to the growth of the Democratic Progressive Party. But as the expression goes, “Live by the sword, die by the sword”. The “total rule” that the DPP enjoys today is a direct result of its long-term advocacy of Taiwan independence and Taiwan-centrism.
It is no secret that most people on Taiwan want to maintain the status quo. Many of them have given up on reunification. Many do not openly advocate Taiwan independence, but in their heart of hearts they agree with it. The younger generation considers Taiwan a sovereign entity. This is what Tsai Ing-wen refers to as "natural independence". This general atmosphere and public support resulted in the 2016 DPP victory. That said, the DPP has an Achilles Heel. President Tsai Ing-wen has expressed her position in many ways. But she cannot escape the DPP label, which has become the DPP's greatest handicap when dealing with cross-Strait issues. The DPP has been unable to gain the Mainland's trust. It must also show the United States it has no intention of promoting Taiwan independence. Only then can it continue to receive US support.
The Tsai government's gains and losses are the direct result of the aforementioned contradictions. On the one hand, it must deal with internal pressures from Taiwan independence elements, with calls for a referendum on independence and membership in the United Nations. If the Tsai government loosens it grip, even slightly, it will throw open Pandora's Box. The consequences could be disastrous. On the other hand, it must deal with pressure from the Mainland. It must exercise enormous restraint in order to avoid igniting cross-Strait conflict.
Nor is that all. The Tsai government faces problems both internal and external. Besides cross-Strait issues, it faces problems with social welfare, educational reform, energy policy, industrial policy, and transitional justice. Any of these is likely to provoke public protests at the drop of a hat. As a result the Tsai government is struggling to cope.
External pressure and internal contradictions are not independent of each other. Instead, they interact with each other. If the Tsai government fails to deal effectively with cross-Strait relations, the Tsai government national security team will remain in a state of perpetual crisis. It will have no time to think about the aforementioned internal issues. That will in turn exacerbate contradictions within Taiwan society. Conversely, Taiwan's internal problems can be solved with cross-Strait cooperation. Taiwan's biggest problem is its economy. Can the Tsai government elbow aside political interference, and allow cross-Strait economic cooperation to flourish? If it can, then it will have more resources to distribute in order to ensure fairness and justice. Taiwan can then expect an economic recovery.
Unfortunately the DPP government cannot deal with cross-Strait issues rationally. It cannot free itself from ideology, and boldly recognize the 1992 Consensus, the issue that most concerns the Mainland. The DPP is not a mature political party. It has remained hostage to its own 30 year history. The party and its officials have have long incited anti-Mainland hatred. Even though it is now in power, it criticizes the Mainland at every turn, out of sheer habit. Its de-Sinicization movement hardly inspires trust within the CCP.
The DPP is now in its thirties. It should seriously consider a transformation of its policies. The DPP now enjoys “total rule”. It is no longer a struggle-oriented party dependent upon legislative obstructionism and scorched earth tactics. It needs to understand its new role. It has participated in government at the executive, legislative, and local levels. It currently rules most counties and municipalities. It must govern for the benefit of all of Taiwan, and not merely its own party. It must determine Taiwan's future. Only by thinking in such terms, can the DPP reevaluate its own cross-Strait policy.
Since it now enjoys “total rule”, it must realize that only by improving relations with the Mainland can Taiwan achieve a peaceful external environment and maximize internal reform. Therefore the DPP must assume the role of a ruling party. It must consider the Mainland's core concerns, and the future of cross-Strait relations. It must not attempt to passively evade cross-Strait issues.
First of all, the DPP must find the courage to deal with the Taiwan independence party platform. The Tsai government realizes that maintaining the status quo is mainstream public opinion, and that Taiwan independence is impossible. Therefore it must cease kidding itself on this issue. Anything else is wasted energy. Only then can it neutralize the New Power Party and DPP Taiwan independence fundamentalists, and make it difficult for them to hijack the DPP. If the DPP cannot kill its sacred cow, Tsai Ing-wen's government should declare that "Taiwan independence is a DPP ideal, but not a DPP policy option". On that basis, the DPP can then cultivate mutual trust with the Mainland.
Next, the DPP must impose party discipline. It must regulate what its political appointees and elected representatives say and do, to avoid undermining cross-Strait relations. Government decision-making must consider the Big Picture in the Taiwan Strait, and formulate a comprehensive cross-Strait policy.
The DPP is 30 years old. It is time to take concrete action to adjust its cross-Strait policy.
民進黨政府應表明台獨不是選項
2016/9/30 中國時報
民進黨成立30年來，台獨是重要理念，更是主要成長動能。所謂成也蕭何、敗也蕭何，民進黨取得今天的完全執政地位，與其長期耕耘台獨議題、高揚台灣主體性密切相關。
毋庸諱言，維持現狀仍是當前台灣社會的主流民意，代表相當多數人已經放棄統一選項，很多人即使沒有公開主張台獨，內心深處也對之有所認同，年輕世代更因為普遍認同台灣的主權地位，而被蔡英文稱為「天然獨」，這些都構成了2016年民進黨大勝的社會氛圍和民意基礎。但民進黨執政的最大罩門，蔡英文總統雖然做出許多有意義的新論述，仍擺脫不掉的「台獨」標籤，成為民進黨處理兩岸問題的最大威脅。民進黨一直很難與大陸方面建立互信，也必須不斷向美國表明無意推動台獨，方能繼續獲得美國的支持。
蔡政府進退失據，恰是上述的矛盾所導致，一方面要面對來自內部獨派的壓力，公投制憲、加入聯合國等議題再度甚囂塵上，若蔡政府立場稍有鬆動，潘朵拉魔盒就會打開，後果不堪設想。另一方面，則要應對來自大陸的壓力，必須保持高度克制以免兩岸重回烽火連天的局面。
不僅如此，蔡政府面臨的問題可用內外交困形容，除了兩岸問題外，在台灣內部包括社會福利、教育改革、能源和產業政策，以及轉型正義等諸多問題，也隨時都可能引爆民間抗爭，讓蔡政府疲於應付。
外部壓力和內部矛盾並非各自獨立，反而是相互作用，若無法有效處理兩岸關係，兩岸之間就會持續陷入危機，而蔡政府的國安團隊恐怕就要時刻處於危機處理階段，根本無暇思考台灣向前進的問題，上述內部議題自然也會受到衝擊，加劇台灣社會的內部矛盾。相反地，台灣內部問題其實也可透過兩岸合作來加以解決，台灣當前最大的問題就在經濟，若蔡政府能夠拋開政治干預，讓兩岸經濟合作持續深化，而政府只在收入分配和公平正義的問題上多所著墨，未來台灣經濟再起應可期待。
但問題在於，民進黨政府尚難理性處理兩岸問題，反而深陷意識形態不能自拔，對大陸所關注的「九二共識」採取堅決的迴避態度，這當然不是一個成熟政黨的作為。某種程度上，民進黨已經被自己過去30年的歷史所綁架，無論政黨層面還是黨籍政治人物，過去都以煽動反中仇中情緒來凝聚社會支持，現在縱使全面執政，也難改長久以來形成的慣性思維，動輒以激烈言辭批判大陸，至於政策層面的「去中國化」舉動也是所在多有，這必然無助於民共之間建立互信。
民進黨已經進入而立之年，應該嚴肅思考轉型之策。今年開始民進黨實現了全面執政，已經不再是過去那個動輒癱瘓議事、焦土作戰的鬥爭型政黨，反而應該充分認識到自己角色的質變，既然掌握行政、立法，地方層級也同樣在多數縣市執政，那麼就應該學會以執政者的思維來看待整個台灣問題，切勿再為一黨之利而影響全台灣的發展前途。也只有在此思維背景之下，民進黨方能重新檢討自己的兩岸政策。
既然是全面執政者，就應該意識到台灣只有與大陸改善關係，才能獲得和平的外部環境，也才能為推動內部改革爭取最大空間。因此，民進黨應該拿出執政者的擔當，正面應對大陸的核心關切和未來兩岸的走向，切勿再以消極態度逃避兩岸問題的解決。
首先，民進黨應該拿出勇氣面對台獨黨綱的問題，既然蔡政府已經認識到維持現狀是主流民意，而國際上也無推動台獨的空間，那就不應該繼續在此問題上自我催眠、虛耗精力。也只有這樣，才能讓時代力量和黨內基本教義派失去立基點，此後再難在此問題上綁架民進黨。如果民進黨不能廢棄神主牌，至少蔡英文政府應該宣告「台獨是民進黨的理念，不是民進黨政府的政策選項」。在此基礎上，民進黨應該有機會與大陸培養互信。
接著，民進黨應該拿出決心在黨內嚴明紀律，規範黨籍政務官與民選首長言行，避免傷害兩岸關係大局。至於政府的相關決策，也應該在充分考量兩岸大局的基礎上全盤籌畫，推動積極性兩岸政策。
而立之年的民進黨，是以實際行動調整兩岸政策的時候了。
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