Thursday, September 1, 2016

President Tsai Must Confront Cross-Strait Differences

President Tsai Must Confront Cross-Strait Differences
China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC) 
A Translation 
September 2, 2016

Executive Summary: The government has announced the appointment of a new SEF chairman. We hope President Tsai will make a genuine effort to improve cross-Strait relations, and enable the two sides to coexist. She must not keep Taiwan mired in hostility and self-pity. She must seize the opportunity to expand onto the Mainland. Unless Taiwan finds its own path toward prosperity, it can only continue its current decline.

Full Text Below:

Taiwan Independence sentiment is on the rise. President Tsai has characterized the younger generation as "naturally inclined towards Taiwan independence". But a closer look at Taiwan independence history reveals that it is an entirely artificial development. The two sides of the Taiwan Strait have bee separated from each other for over half a century. Economic growth and institutional differences have inevitably distanced the two sides psychologically. But lest we forget, the differences in economic development and culture between the northern and southern regions of the Mainland, or between the eastern and western regions of the Mainland, far exceed the differences between Xiamen and central and southern Taiwan, or Shanghai and northern Taiwan.

In other words, cross-Strait cultural and economic differences, along with psychological barriers, do not constitute a sufficient condition for separation, nor do they support the legitimacy of Taiwan independence. Those who trumpet “natural Taiwan independence” deliberately ignore far greater differences on the Mainland. They cherry pick the most prominent cross-Strait differences. What they term “natural”, is entirely artificial.

As for the conflict between the two sides, it is much ado about nothing. Cross-Strait conflict was never the result of hostility between the people on Taiwan and the people on the Mainland. It was the result of the Chinese Civil War. Even Taiwan independence advocates admit that when Japan was defeated in 1945, people on Taiwan eagerly looked forward to Taiwan's return to the motherland.

Unfortunately, the 2/28 Incident and the White Terror on Taiwan provoked hatred against the Kuomintang. But even then, the conflict was merely a clash between the people and an authoritarian regime. It was not an “ethnic conflict” between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. Still less was it a conflict with the Mainland, or people on the Mainland. The hostility and hatred is totally misdirected.

In 1949, the Republic of China central government retreated to Taiwan. It hoped to retake the Mainland by force. Taiwan became its anti-Communist base of operations in a continuation of the Chinese Civil War. It was not a conflict between the Mainland and Taiwan. During this period, the Mainland and Taiwan may have clashed militarily. But the military action was not directed against the people of Taiwan. It was directed against the Kuomintang regime.

If history were reenacted on another playing field, such as Hainan Island, the confrontation between the KMT and the CCP would still have played out. But the conflict between the Mainland and Taiwan would not have materialized. That is indisputable fact.

More importantly, during the authoritarian era, the KMT relentlessly blasted the CCP, and turned the CCP into an object of hatred on Taiwan. Following democratization, this artificially incited hostility should have died down, as the KMT progressively reconciled with the Mainland. Unfortunately some people on Taiwan intensified this hatred of the CCP. They even expanded it to include the entire Mainland and everyone living on the Mainland. This is a cruel historical irony. But it was clearly created artificially.

This historical irony began with Lee Teng-hui, who drove out the old Kuomintang forces in an attempt to reshape the KMT and Taiwan. He began a campaign of "de-Sinicization". He drove out the old KMT and Mainland forces to consolidate his own power. The Qiandaohu Incident provided a perfect opportunity for him to incite hatred on Taiwan against the Mainland. People who once identified with the Mainland and the CCP, now began to feel alienated. Chen Shui-bian added fuel to the fire, and Ma Ying-jeou passively allowed the trend to continue. This allowed the spark of Taiwan independence to develop into a prairie fire.

Over the long term, the two sides must reconcile. Taiwan must find a way to coexist with the Mainland. Anything else will merely accelerate capital flight and the brain drain, and Taiwan's future will be grim. As Frank Hsieh noted, the DPP has no historical grievances with the CCP. If anything, they should be better able to establish a new cross-Strait relationship. Unfortunately DPP leaders lack historical vision. They lack the capacity to right wrongs. They remain mired in old hostilities. They are unable to break free from their distorted and outdated view of Taiwan independence history. They dare not share their views with their supporters. Instead they allow themselves to be hijacked by lies, and remain the biggest obstacle to progress.

Since the Tsai government took office, differences between the CCP and the DPP over the nature of cross-Strait relations have led to new Cold War style confrontation. In fact, the gap between the two sides is not unbridgeable. The controversy between the two sides is not unresolvable. President Tsai pledged publicly that she would deal with cross-Strait issues on the basis of the historical fact of the 1992 talks, the Republic of China Constitution, and the Act Governing Relations between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area. She should be free from the conflict between the KMT and the CCP, free from the conflict between people from different provinces, and should be able to settle cross-Strait issues based on constitutional logic.

The Mainland adheres to One China the 1992 Consensus. It expects the DPP government to recognize the 1992 Consensus. Only then can the two sides resume official exchanges. Recently however, Taiwan Affairs Office Director Zhang Zhijun spoke to young people from Taiwan. He said the Taiwan side tends to stress the “different interpretations” part of the 1992 Consensus. He said this is something the two sides can talk about. He later clarified, so we cannot read too much into an offhand remark. But as long as the DPP is willing to speak clearly, the Mainland is willing to keep an open mind, and preserve cross-Strait peace.

The government has announced the appointment of a new SEF chairman. We hope President Tsai will make a genuine effort to improve cross-Strait relations, and enable the two sides to coexist. She must not keep Taiwan mired in hostility and self-pity. She must seize the opportunity to expand onto the Mainland. Unless Taiwan finds its own path toward prosperity, it can only continue its current decline.

期待蔡總統積極面對兩岸分歧
2016/9/2 中國時報

台獨日盛,蔡總統更以「天然獨」稱呼年輕世代,但細究台獨的歷史脈絡,不難發現其中人造的性質。固然兩岸長達半世紀隔絕,加上經濟發展先後與制度上的差異,彼此在心理上難免存在疏離。但別忘了,大陸南北方或東西部之間,經濟發展程度及文化的差異,要遠比廈門與台灣中南部,或上海與台灣北部的差距更大。

換句話說,兩岸文化、經濟的差異和心理隔閡,並不構成分離的充分條件,也不足以支撐台獨的正當性。更何況台獨原生論者,還刻意忽視大陸的多元性,只揀取差異較大的部分來形塑兩岸差異。所謂原生,不過還是人為建構。

至於兩岸之間的矛盾衝突,更是庸人自擾。兩岸之所以會有矛盾衝突,並非台灣人與大陸人之間的敵對,而是國共內戰的結果。台獨主張者也承認,1945年日本戰敗之際,台灣人曾熱切歡呼回歸祖國懷抱。

只可惜後來二二八事件乃至白色恐怖激化了台灣本省人對國民黨的痛恨。但即便如此,這種矛盾的本質也應該是人民與威權政府間的矛盾,而不應該被詮釋成為本省人和外省人間的族群衝突,更不是與中國大陸和大陸人之間的衝突,這許多敵意和仇恨是找錯了對象。

進一步說,1949年中華民國中央政府撤退來台,一直希望武力反攻大陸,並以台灣為反共建國基地,其本質仍然是國共內戰的延續,而非大陸與台灣間的矛盾。在此期間,大陸雖然與台灣存在軍事衝突,但並不是針對台灣人的軍事行動,而是針對國民黨政權。

假若歷史可以變換發生的場域,譬如海南島,那麼國共對抗仍會存在,但中共、中國大陸和台灣間的矛盾就不會出現,其道理也就在此。

更值得台灣人反思的是,威權時代國民黨長期對中共進行批判,讓台灣人對中共產生敵意。民主化之後這種人為建構的敵意本應就此解構,國民黨就逐漸與大陸和解,反而是一些台灣人更加強化對中共的仇視,甚至將之擴大到對整個大陸乃至中國的敵意,不得不說是歷史的弔詭,但顯然也是人為因素所導致。

歷史的弔詭從李登輝開始,他在排除舊國民黨力量後,企圖重新塑造國民黨與台灣,他採取了「去中國」的路線,同時擠壓並排出老國民黨與大陸的影響力,以鞏固自己的權力。千島湖事件給了他良機,可以挑動台灣民眾對大陸的敵意,讓原本只是敵視中共,但對大陸和中國仍有認同感和歸屬感的台灣人開始產生疏離感。此後經歷扁時代的推波助瀾以及馬時代的放任自流,台獨星星之火才發展成為燎原之勢。

就長期發展而言,兩岸必須和解,台灣也要找出與大陸長治久安之道,否則資金與人才將加速外流,前景必定困頓。正如謝長廷所言,民共之間並無歷史情仇,應該擁有更廣闊的空間來開創兩岸新局。無奈民進黨領導者欠缺歷史視野,更沒有撥亂反正的心胸,只能讓自己沉陷於舊有的敵意結構中,既不敢擺脫老台獨的錯誤史觀,也不敢跟自己的支持者溝通,讓自己被錯誤綁架,成為前進的最大障礙。

蔡英文政府執政以來,由於民共在兩岸關係性質問題上的差異,兩岸進入冷對抗關係,但實際上,民共雙方的差距並非遙不可及,爭議亦非不可解。蔡總統公開表示,將在九二會談的歷史事實,及《中華民國憲法》和《兩岸人民關係條例》的政治基礎上處理兩岸問題。這代表她已跳脫出國共矛盾、省籍衝突等陳舊的干擾因素,讓兩岸問題回歸憲政邏輯。

大陸固然堅持兩岸一中與九二共識,要求民進黨政府承認九二共識,兩岸官方交流才可能恢復。不過,最近國台辦主任張志軍在與台灣青年會談時曾口頭表達,台灣對九二共識強調的「各表」,兩岸應該談起來。雖然後來做了澄清,我們也不能過度解釋口頭的隨性談話,但只要民進黨在兩岸一個國家有較清楚的表達,我們深信大陸會願意抱持開放的態度,盡量維繫兩岸的和平發展。

新任海基會董事長已經發布,期待蔡總統以積極態度面對兩岸關係,表達願以進取態度,與大陸協商出兩岸相處之道。不要讓台灣繼續深陷在人為塑造的敵對氛圍中自怨自艾,既抓不住大陸的發展機會,又找不出真正屬於自己的發展道路,最終只能不斷沉淪。


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